and General Schuyler succeeded in organizing and preparing for the field a force fully adequate to meet Burgoyne’s entire force, with the assurance of victory. That he was superseded by Gates, and lost the command of the northern army on the eve of its anticipated triumph, was no discredit to him, but an incident of political management which Washington himself, at that period, was powerless to control. On the seventeenth day of October, Burgoyne surrendered his army, numbering five thousand seven hundred and fifty-three men. The total strength of the American army opposed to him was eighteen thousand six hundred and twenty-four; of which number nine thousand nine hundred and ninety-three Continental troops, besides militia, were present. Of the incidents most memorable in the entire campaign, was the monumental daring of Arnold on the seventeenth of September. Tedious discussions have in vain attempted to deny him due credit for bravery at a critical hour of that battle-issue; as if his subsequent treason were to be reflected back to his discredit. His eventual promotion, and the congratulations of Washington when it was attained, and the latest duly authenticated documents, are conclusive in his favor. This brief outline of the invasion of Burgoyne only intensifies the interest with which the mind returns to the headquarters of the American Commander-in-Chief. Every possible effort had been made by him, and with success, to supply the northern army with men and means to meet that invasion. The side issues, especially that of Bennington, had, as Washington predicted, imparted courage to other Colonies than those which were immediately affected; for the cause was the common cause of all. The location of Washington’s headquarters in the fastnesses of New Jersey had already so restricted the movements of the garrison at New York, and threatened the city itself, as to prevent the promised support which Burgoyne had regarded as essential to the success of his invasion. A careful perusal of his evidence before the House of Commons, his field-notes, itineraries, and correspondence with General Howe and the British War Office, leave no doubt that he regarded his movement as having for its ultimate result the entire control of the Hudson River and the practical conquest of New England. But General Howe, having in vain attempted to force the American Commander-in-Chief to abandon New Jersey and his perpetual menace to New York, or engage in a general action without choice of time and place, resolved to move by sea to Philadelphia and force him to fight for, or lose without battle, the American seat of government itself. His own views as to such an expedition are worthy of notice. While practically ready to sail for the capture of Philadelphia, he made other demonstrations, and wrote a specious autograph letter, which was designed to reach Washington, and put him off his guard. Washington was not deceived by it. It reads as