Some call it the decadence of party spirit, but others believe it a recovery from partisan insanity—this independent attitude of men who formerly wore a party collar with meekness, if not with actual pride. A year or more ago Dr. Engelhard, of Rising City, Neb., expressed it in the picturesque language of the West, thus: “I am now a political maverick.” At a recent dinner of the Wisconsin Society of New York, Representative Henry C. Adams, of the Badger State, pleading for the “insurgents” who are in rebellion, not “against good government but against bad government,” graphically described the political situation of today as follows: “Party feeling has run to the lowest ebb ever known in American politics. It is hard work to tell a Democrat from a Republican. The South is swinging toward protection. New England is flirting with free trade. Pittsburg goes Democratic. New York City barely escapes the rule of a Socialist. Missouri sends Republicans to Congress. Folk is cheered by Republicans. La Follette is voted for by Democrats. The House of Representatives votes almost unanimously for the President’s rate bill, and a Republican committee gives it in charge of a Senator from South Carolina to report to the Senate.” In Mr. Edgerton’s excellent article on “Farmers’ Organizations” (February number) he failed to mention a very strong one in the grain belt—the American Society of Equity, with headquarters at Indianapolis. It claims a membership of over 200,000 farmers, and its president, J. A. Everitt, asserts that its members will hold their wheat for $1.00 and other cereals correspondingly—and that they expect to win. Let’s hope they may. * * * * * But let’s think a little. That won’t cut down railroad dividends, or make kerosene and rent any cheaper; and it _will_ make bread higher. So suppose the Farmers’ Union, down South, pushes cotton up to 15 cents; and the American Society of Equity pushes wheat up to a dollar; and the “Big 6” here wins its fight for an 8-hour day at 9 hours’ pay—won’t all these wealth-producers, after matters get readjusted, be about where they were before? I’m not throwing cold water on the efforts of any of these organizations, for I glory in their fighting proclivities—but I can’t see any permanent advantage accruing to any of them so long as the railroads and the banks are armed with letters of marque and reprisal, and legally empowered to rob every actual producer and every consumer. Each of these organizations carefully avoids politics. Is that wise? Possibly; but I can’t see it that way. * * * * *