The theory by which men who have freed themselves from personal labour justify themselves, is, in its simplest and most exact form, this: "We men, having freed ourselves from work, and having by violence appropriated the labour of others, we find ourselves better able to benefit them." In other words, certain men, for doing the people a palpable and comprehensible harm,--utilizing their labour by violence, and thereby increasing the difficulty of their struggles with nature,--do to them an impalpable and incomprehensible good. This is a very strange proposition; but the men, both of former as well of modern times, who have lived on the labour of workmen, believe it, and calm their conscience by it. Let us see in what way it is justified, in different classes of men who have freed themselves from labour in our own days. "I serve men by my activity in church or state,--as king, minister, archbishop; I serve men by my trading or by industry; I serve men by my activity in the departments of science or art. By our activities we are all as necessary to the people as they are to us." So say various men of to-day who have freed themselves from labour. Let us consider _seriatim_ the principles upon which they base the usefulness of their activity. There are only two indications of the usefulness of any activity of one man for another: (1) an exterior indication,--the acknowledgement of the utility of the activity by those to whom it is applied; and (2) an interior indication,--the desire to be of use to others lying at the root of the activity of the one who is trying to be of use. Statesmen (I include the Church dignitaries appointed by the government in the category of statesmen) are, it is said, of use to those whom they govern. The emperor, the king, the president of a republic, the prime minister, the minister of justice, the minister of war, the minister of public instruction, the bishop, and all under them who serve the state, all live free from the struggle of mankind for existence, having laid all the burden of this struggle on someone else, on the ground that their non-activity compensates for this. Let us apply the first indication to those for whose welfare the activity of statesmen is bestowed. Do they, I ask, recognize the usefulness of this activity?