William Jay and the Constitutional Movement for the Abolition of SlaveryTuckerman, Bayard
History
William Jay and the Constitutional Movement for the Abolition of Slavery
Tuckerman, Bayard
Antislavery movements -- United States; Jay, William, 1789-1858; United States -- Politics and government -- 1815-1861
"On the 4th December, 1833, Messrs. Phelps, Garrison, and May, as
members of the Philadelphia Convention, signed the following
declaration: 'We fully and unanimously recognize the sovereignty of
_each State to legislate exclusively_ on the subject of slavery
which is tolerated within its limits. We concede that Congress has
no _right to interfere_ with any slave State in relation to the
momentous subject.'
"Mr. Garrison afterwards, in an editorial article in the
_Liberator_, thus expresses himself: 'Abolitionists as clearly
understand and as sacredly regard the constitutional powers of
Congress as do their traducers, and they know, and have again and
again asserted, that Congress has _no more rightful authority to sit
in judgment upon Southern slavery than it has to legislate for the
abolition of slavery in the French colonies_.'
"On the 17th of August, 1835, at a meeting of the Massachusetts
Antislavery Society, duly held in Boston, an address to the public
was adopted, professing to set forth the _true principles and
objects_ of the society; and to give this statement a stronger claim
to the confidence of the community it was authenticated by the
signatures of _thirty-one_ of the principal officers and members of
the society, including _your own_ and those of three of the
committee who reported the late resolution, viz., Messrs. Garrison,
May, and Fairbanks. The opinion of the society at that time on the
power of Congress was in that document thus explicitly stated: 'We
fully acknowledge that no change in the slave laws of the Southern
States can be made unless by the Southern Legislatures. Neither
Congress nor the Legislatures of the free States have authority _to
change the condition_ of a single slave in the slave States.' Yet
the society now stands prepared to encourage the slaves to petition
Congress for a redress of their grievances! And now, sir, the object
of this letter is to ascertain whether the resolution I have quoted
does in truth represent the present opinion held by your society on
the power of Congress, or whether the resolution was intended to be
confined to slaves in the District of Columbia and the territory of
Florida.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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