of which Lucretias and Cornelias are made is not the stuff to bear
habitual oppression silently, beyond a certain point.
It was doubtless this oppression that was responsible for a startling
epidemic of husband-poisoning in the fourth century before Christ. The
women who prepared the drugs were betrayed by a maid, and one hundred
and seventy matrons--some of them patricians--were found guilty. The
leaders were forced to take their own poisons, and died with the
calmness of Stoics. Two hundred years afterward there was another
epidemic of the same sort, and many eminent men paid the penalty of
their cruelties with their lives. This mode of redressing wrongs became
too common to be passed to the account of individual crime. It was the
protest of helpless ignorance that had found no other weapon.
About this time, however, the Roman matrons took a more civilized and
rational method of asserting their rights. It was an innovation to
claim any, but they were too proud to accept the hopeless vassalage of
the Athenian woman. Indignant at the inferiority of their condition,
without recourse or refuge against cruelty and injustice, hampered by
needless and petty restrictions, they rebelled at last.
III
One sees little clearly through the mists of two thousand years, and
we know few details of what seems to have been the first concerted
revolt on the part of women. The visible cause was a trivial one, but
it was the proverbial last drop, and served at least to bring dismay
into the councils of men, and afterward, possibly, reflection. The
Roman woman was patriotic and quite ready, at need, to give all and
ask nothing. When money was required to carry on the Punic wars, she
poured out her jewels and personal treasures with lavish generosity;
nor did she murmur when the Oppian law decreed that she must no longer
wear purple or many-colored robes, that her gold ornaments must weigh
no more than half an ounce, and that she must walk if she went out, as
the use of a carriage in the city was a forbidden luxury. These were
small privileges, but they were about all she had, and when the crisis
was past, she asked a repeal of the decree. She met the usual rebuff of
those who seek to regain a lost point. Men saw in such a request only
an “irruption of female emancipators,” dangerous alike to religion and
the State. Cato, the austere, refused a petition which he regarded as
a subversion of order and a rebellion against lawful masters. He said
that the claim of women to any rights or any voice in public affairs
was a proof that men had lost their majesty as well as their authority;
such a thing could not have happened if each one had kept his own wife
in proper subjection. “Our privileges,” he continues, “overpowered at
home by female contumacy, are, even here in the forum, spurned and
trodden under foot”; indeed, he begins to fear that “the whole race
of males may be utterly destroyed by a conspiracy of women.” He rails
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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