Women and economic evolution: or, The effects of industrial changes upon the status of womenMcMahon, Theresa Schmid
History
Women and economic evolution: or, The effects of industrial changes upon the status of women
McMahon, Theresa Schmid
Thesis (Ph. D.); Women -- Employment; Women -- Social and moral questions; Women -- Social conditions
In 1856, over two million women of Great Britain were forced to earn
their living and many of these belonged to the upper classes. Few
indeed were the occupations open to them. This was not entirely due
to the opposition of men but partly to the inability of women to
realize their relations to the industrial world as wage earners. They,
as well as the men, in spite of their employment outside of the home,
entertained the idea they were not performing their proper function in
life, but had failed--perhaps through no fault of their own--to adjust
themselves to their proper sphere. So long as the working women held
to the ideals of their ancestors they showed little tendency to demand
equality between the sexes in the industrial and political world.
It is true men considered women intruders when they sought employment
in the skilled industries and professions, but women as a whole were a
little more emphatic than the men in the expression of this opinion.
Time is a forceful element in the crystallization of ideas and in
giving stability to activities. Public opinion has accepted many of the
radical movements of women of the eighteenth century as a matter of
fact, and is becoming ever weaker in its opposition to the extension of
the political and industrial rights of women.
The movement for the political enfranchisement of women has taken two
aspects--the one industrial and the other social.
Of the industrial movement the most striking example at the present
time is that in England. They are asking for the suffrage on the ground
that they as industrial workers have a serious need for it.
It may seem at first a minor matter as to whether women should vote for
the members of parliament since they have the municipal franchise, but
it is really of vital importance to the working women. It is parliament
which enacts labor laws and legislates for the people in general.
Whatever protection the laboring people get through the enactment of
laws depends upon the philanthrophy of the wealthy classes, or upon
their own representatives. This state of affairs is one of the factors
encouraging them to make every possible effort to increase their
representation in parliament.
The working women--especially union workers--appreciate this fact and
demand the right to vote for the members of Parliament on the ground of
their economic well being. It is an economic question with them, and
they are evidently willing to fight for this privilege just as the men
were at the time of ‘Chartism.’ Ideas of sex propriety have been cast
aside, and the working women are standing as a class, who appreciate
their economic relation to society without any regard for the prevalent
conception of a ‘woman’s sphere’ which long ago became a myth to them.
It is true that many of their leaders are women of the higher social
classes but this same phenomenon has characterized, though not to the
same degree, the movements of working men to conquer political rights.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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