Working Life of Women in the Seventeenth CenturyClark, Alice
History
Working Life of Women in the Seventeenth Century
Clark, Alice
Women -- Employment -- Great Britain -- History -- 17th century; Women -- Great Britain -- History -- 17th century
Nevertheless, in estimating a country’s prosperity domestic production
is generally overlooked, because, as the labour devoted to it receives
no wages and its results do not enter the market, there is no mechanical
standard for estimating its value. For similar reasons Home Trade is
commonly considered to be of less importance than Foreign Trade,
because, as the latter passes through the Customs, its money value can
be much more readily computed, and because the man in the street, like
King Midas, has imagined that gold is wealth. But we are here
considering the production of goods and services, not of gold, and from
this point of view, the woman who spins thread to clothe her family, and
she who furnishes by her industry milk and cheese, eggs and pork, fruit
and vegetables for the consumption of her family, has produced exactly
the same goods, no more and no less, than if she had produced them for
the market, and whether these goods are consumed by her own family or by
strangers makes absolutely no difference to their real value.
Neither can the value of a woman’s productive activity be judged by the
wages she receives, because the value of a pair of sheets is the same,
whether the flax has been spun by a well-to-do farmers’ wife who
meanwhile lives in affluence, or by a poor woman earning wages which are
insufficient to keep body and soul together. The labour required for
spinning the flax was the same in either case, for there was no
difference in the type of spinning wheel she used, or in her other
facilities for work; it was only later, when organisations for trading
purposes had enormously increased productive capacity by the
introduction of power and the sub-division of labour, that the same
productive capacity, devoted to domestic purposes, became relatively
inferior in results. This change between the relative efficiency of
domestic and industrial labour could not fail, when it took place, to
exert a marked influence on the economic position of married women,
because while their husbands earned sufficient money to pay rent and a
few outgoing expenses, they had no inducement to work for wages, their
labour being more productive at home. Women who fed and clothed
themselves and their children by means of domestic industry gratified in
this way their sense of independence as effectively as if they had
earned the equivalent money by trade or wages. Considering the low rates
paid to women, it may be supposed that few worked for wages when
possessed of sufficient stock to employ themselves fully in domestic
industries; on the other hand there were a considerable number who were
in a position to hire servants, and who, having learnt a skilled trade,
devoted themselves to business, either on their own account or jointly
with their husbands.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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