“I don’t understand!” he stammered. “Haven’t these people any pride?
This show of friendliness--what does it mean? I’d rather they scowled
and showed their hatred than stand round fawning on us.... And our men!
They don’t seem to bear any malice. Look at that fellow gossiping with
those two girls! It’s shameful.... What have we been fighting for if it
ends in this sort of thing? It makes it all a farce!”
He was so disturbed, so unnerved by the shock of his surprise, that
there were tears of vexation in his eyes.
I could not argue with him, or explain things to him. I was astonished
myself, quite baffled by a German friendliness that was certainly
sincere and not a mask hiding either hatred or humiliation. Those
people of Malmédy were pleased to see us! As yet I could not get the
drift of their psychology, in spite of what the young French-speaking
German had told me. I gave Harding the benefit of that talk.
“This is a frontier town,” I said. “These people are not real Germans
in their sympathies and ideas.”
That seemed to comfort Harding a little. He clung on to the thought
that when we had got beyond the frontier we should meet the hatred he
expected to see. He wanted to meet it. He wanted to see scowling looks,
deep humiliation, a shameful recognition of defeat, the evil nature of
the people we had been fighting. Otherwise, to him, the war was all a
lie. For four years he had been inspired, strengthened, and upheld by
hatred of the Germans. He believed not only in every atrocity story
that appeared in English newspapers, but also, in accordance with
all else he read, that every German was essentially and unutterably
vile, brutal, treacherous, and evil. The German people were to him a
race apart--the Huns. They had nothing in common with ordinary human
nature, with its kindliness and weakness. They were physically,
mentally, and morally debased. They were a race of devils, and they
could not be allowed to live. Civilisation could only be saved by their
extermination, or if that were impossible, of their utter subjection.
All the piled-up slaughter of British youth and French youth was to him
justified by the conviction that the last man of ours must die if need
be in order to crush Germany, and kill Germans. It is true that he had
not died, nor even had been wounded, but that was his ill-luck. He had
been in the cavalry, and had not been given many chances of fighting.
Before the last phase, when the cavalry came into their own, he had
been transferred to the Intelligence (though he did not speak a word
of German) in order to organise their dispatch-rider service. He knew
nothing about dispatch-riding, but his cousin was the brother-in-law
of a General’s nephew, and he had been highly recommended for this
appointment, which had surprised and annoyed him. Still, as a young
man who believed in obedience to authority, and in all old traditional
systems, such as patronage and privilege, he had accepted the post
without protest.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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