Young India: An interpretation and a history of the nationalist movement from withinLajpat Rai, Lala
History
Young India: An interpretation and a history of the nationalist movement from within
Lajpat Rai, Lala
India -- Politics and government -- 1765-1947
On his deathbed Partap made his successor swear to eternal conflict
against “the foes of his country’s independence.” This was in the
sixteenth century, four hundred years after the first Muslim king had
ascended the throne of Delhi. But a hundred years had hardly gone by
after the event when the Hindus again questioned Muslim supremacy. The
Sikhs in the Punjab, the Rajputs in Central India, and the Mahrattas in
the Deccan, had started their campaigns before Aurangzeb died in 1707 A.
D. The Muslim supremacy was destroyed by the Hindus and not by the
British.
_Muslim Rule in India not Foreign._ Yet it is not right to say that the
Muslim rule in India was a “foreign rule.” The Muslim invaders were no
doubt foreign in their origin, just as the Normans and Danes were when
they came to England, but as soon as they settled in India, adopted the
country, made it their home, married and raised children there, they
became the sons of the soil. Akbar and Aurangzeb were as much Indians as
are to-day the Moguls and Pathans in Delhi or elsewhere. Sher Shah and
Ibrahim Lodi were no more foreigners in India than were the descendants
of William the Conqueror or the successors of William of Orange in Great
Britain. When Timur and Nadir Shah and Ahmad Shah Abdali attacked India,
they attacked a kingdom which was ruled by Indian Muslims. They were as
much the enemies of the Mohammedan rulers of India as of the Hindus.
The Muslims, who exercised political sovereignty in India from the
thirteenth up to the middle of the nineteenth century A. D., were
Indians by birth, Indians by marriage, and Indians by death. They were
born in India, they married there, there they died, and there they were
buried. Every penny of the revenues they raised in India was spent in
India. Their army was wholly Indian. They allowed new families from
beyond the borders of Hindustan to come and settle in India, but they
very rarely, if at all, employed people who were not willing to stay in
India for good and to make it their home. Their bias, if any, against
the Hindus was religious, not political. The converts to Islam were
sometimes treated even with greater consideration than the original
Muslims. Akbar, of course, did away with that distinction, but even the
most bigoted and the most orthodox Mohammedan ruler of India was not
possessed of that kind of social pride and social exclusiveness which
distinguishes the British ruler of India to-day. If the racial question
ever came into prominence during Mohammedan supremacy in India, it was
not between Hindus and Mohammedans, but between Mohammedans and
Mohammedans, as for instance between _Tuglaks_ and _Pathans_, or between
_Moguls_ and _Lodis_.[34]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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