Young India: An interpretation and a history of the nationalist movement from withinLajpat Rai, Lala
History
Young India: An interpretation and a history of the nationalist movement from within
Lajpat Rai, Lala
India -- Politics and government -- 1765-1947
British statesmen, politicians, publicists and journalists all talk of
the blessings of British rule in India, of what the British have done
there in establishing peace and order, in making railways and canals, in
imparting education, in stimulating trade, in administering impartial
justice, in fostering industries, in organising the postal and the
telegraph systems, and in opening the country to the world. They cannot
see why the Indian should wish to get rid of the British. The British
have done so much for him, have brought civilisation to his door, have
raised him from “obscurity,” have given him their language and their
institutions, have opened to him the gates of knowledge, have provided
for him security from both domestic and foreign dangers, and have put
him on the road to ever-increasing prosperity and “_happiness_.” Let us
assume for the moment that all this is wholly true, but can it
compensate for the loss of manhood which is involved in political
bondage? Chains are chains, no matter if gilded. Can the wealth of the
whole world be put in the scales over against liberty and honour? What
would it avail if one were to get the sovereignty of the world but lose
his own soul? A subject people has no soul, just as a slave can have
none. Subjects and slaves are not even the masters of their bodies.
An Indian leader, a high-class Bengali lawyer, who is now one of His
Majesty’s judges in the High Court of Calcutta, once said, while
presiding over a conference in Bengal before he became a judge, that a
subject people could have no politics. A people who have no politics
have no soul. A man without a soul is a mere animal. A nation without a
soul is only a herd of “dumb driven cattle,” and such are the Indians of
the present day. It is a base calumny, and a mean falsehood to say in
reply, that they have been so from time immemorial, that they have
never been free, that they have never cared who ruled over them, that
they have never been patriotic, or that patriotism and a feeling of
nationality are new growths due to contact with the West, and that the
Indian people do not sympathise with the aspirations of the
nationalists. Of course, there are some people in India, as elsewhere,
who, through rolling in wealth, living in purple, inheriting long
pedigrees, carrying high titles, bearing proud names, seem to be happy
and contented under the existing conditions. For them, the security from
molestation they have, the freedom of enjoyment they possess, the
comforts and luxuries which they command, the pleasure which is born of
inactive, lazy, parasitic, debauched lives, is all in all. Any change
may bring all this edifice down; it may spell ruin to them and their
children. The immunity from work, which they at present enjoy, may all
disappear by a change of political conditions. The British Government
has guaranteed them not only their possessions, but also their right to
live and thrive on the ignorance, the superstitions, and the mental and
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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