Young India: An interpretation and a history of the nationalist movement from withinLajpat Rai, Lala
History
Young India: An interpretation and a history of the nationalist movement from within
Lajpat Rai, Lala
India -- Politics and government -- 1765-1947
_Loyalty of Ruling Chiefs_. It would be quite wrong to conclude, as some
people do, that all the ruling chiefs are sincerely loyal to the British
supremacy, or that their acts displaying loyalty are free and
independent expressions of their minds or their will.[41] Some of them
are devoid of any real sense of honour, or are lost to it by habitual
submission or habitual debauchery. They are quite contented to be left
alone to enjoy. There are others, however, who would be only too glad to
throw away the British yoke, if they could only see a way of
successfully doing so. They are not prepared to take their chances. It
should be distinctly understood, therefore, that the Nationalist Party
does not count upon their help or sympathy. A good many perhaps
sympathise with the party of violence, and chuckle at their successes,
but none of them dare do anything to help them in any shape. A few
openly sympathise with the “constitutional” party, but even they cannot
and would not give them any monetary or other kind of help as it might
easily be construed into an act of unfriendliness towards the Paramount
Power, and might mar their relations with that.
The smaller fry, the wealthy banker, the great landlord, the Bengal
Zemindar, and the Oudh Talukdar, are almost completely in the hands of
the British officials. The sympathy of the British officials benefits
them materially. Their antipathy or dislike or aversion would ruin them
financially. The British collector or magistrate holds complete sway
over their souls. They would rather go out of their way to propitiate
him and win his pleasure, than risk the slightest suspicion of an
independent attitude, or of any conduct which even by stretch of
imagination could be construed into independence. Yet there are some,
in Bengal at least, who do sympathise with, and give active help to, the
Revolutionary Party. There are others who sympathise with, and give
occasional monetary assistance to, the Constitutional Party. The latter
class does not count for much in Indian politics, and anything said or
done by them cannot be said to represent the attitude of any very large
section of the Indian community.
Men of wealth and men of means have nowhere led the revolutionary or the
political movements in the history of freedom in this world of ours.
Their interests as a class are opposed to change. Sometimes there does
arise from among their ranks a man of courage, a man endowed with an
adventurous nature or fired by ambition, who leads the movement for
change, in the hope of either establishing a dynasty, or otherwise
leaving a name in history; and sometimes one comes across a wealthy man
who, out of regard for principle, and from conviction, is a patriot, and
joins the patriotic party deliberately, and risks his possessions and
position; but such instances are always few and far between in all
countries.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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