Dante. An essay. To which is added a translation of De Monarchia.
Dante Alighieri · en
And it is not easy to conceive a Ghibelline partisan putting into the
mouth of Justinian, the type of law and empire, a general condemnation
of his party as heavy as that of their antagonists;--the crime of
having betrayed, as the Guelfs had resisted, the great symbol of
public right--
Omai puoi giudicar di que' cotali
Ch'io accusai di sopra, e de' lor falli
Che son cagion di tutti i vostri mali.
L'uno al pubblico segno i gigli gialli
Oppone, e _quel s'appropria l'altro a parte_,
Sì ch'è forte a veder qual più si falli.
_Faccian li Ghibellin, faccian lor arte
Sott'altro segno; chè mal segue quello
Sempre chi la giustizia e lui diparte._[77]
[Footnote 77: _Ibid._ 6.]
And though, as the victim of the Guelfs of Florence, he found refuge
among Ghibelline princes, he had friends among Guelfs also. His steps
and his tongue were free to the end. And in character and feeling, in
his austerity, his sturdiness and roughness, his intolerance of
corruption and pride, his strongly-marked devotional temper, he was
much less a Ghibelline than like one of those stern Guelfs who hailed
Savonarola.
But he had a very decided and complete political theory, which
certainly was not Guelf; and, as parties then were, it was not much
more Ghibelline. Most assuredly no set of men would have more
vigorously resisted the attempt to realise his theory, would have
joined more heartily with all immediate opponents--Guelfs, Black,
White, and Green, or even Boniface VIII.,--to keep out such an emperor
as Dante imagined, than the Ghibelline nobles and potentates.
Dante's political views were a dream; though a dream based on what had
been, and an anticipation of what was, in part at least, to come. It
was a dream in the middle ages, in divided and republican Italy, the
Italy of cities--of a real and national government, based on justice
and law. It was the dream of a real _state_. He imagined that the
Roman empire had been one great state; he persuaded himself that
Christendom might be such. He was wrong in both instances; but in this
case, as in so many others, he had already caught the spirit and ideas
of a far-distant future; and the political organisation of modern
times, so familiar to us that we cease to think of its exceeding
wonder, is the practical confirmation, though in a form very different
from what he imagined, of the depth and farsightedness of those
expectations which are in outward form so chimerical--"_i miei non
falsi errori_."