Discourses on the First Decade of Titus Livius — Niccolo Machiavelli — John Shaqi
Discourses on the First Decade of Titus Livius
Niccolo Machiavelli · en
Should a people accustomed to live under a prince by any accident
become free, as did the Romans on the expulsion of the Tarquins, we
know from numberless instances recorded in ancient history, how hard it
will be for it to maintain that freedom. And this is no more than we
might expect. For a people in such circumstances may be likened to the
wild animal which, though destined by nature to roam at large in the
woods, has been reared in the cage and in constant confinement and
which, should it chance to be set free in the open country, being
unused to find its own food, and unfamiliar with the coverts where it
might lie concealed, falls a prey to the first who seeks to recapture
it. Even thus it fares with the people which has been accustomed to be
governed by others; since ignorant how to act by itself either for
attack or defence, and neither knowing foreign princes nor being known
of them, it is speedily brought back under the yoke, and often under a
heavier yoke than that from which it has just freed its neck. These
difficulties will be met with, even where the great body of the
citizens has not become wholly corrupted; but where the corruption is
complete, freedom, as shall presently be shown, is not merely fleeting
but impossible. Wherefore my remarks are to be taken as applying to
those States only wherein corruption has as yet made no great progress,
and in which there is more that is sound than unsound.
To the difficulties above noticed, another has to be added, which is,
that a State in becoming free makes for itself bitter enemies but not
warm friends. All become its bitter enemies who, drawing their support
from the wealth of the tyrant, flourished under his government. For
these men, when the causes which made them powerful are withdrawn, can
no longer live contented, but are one and all impelled to attempt the
restoration of the tyranny in hopes of regaining their former
importance. On the other hand, as I have said, the State which becomes
free does not gain for itself warm friends. For a free government
bestows its honours and rewards in accordance with certain fixed rules,
and on considerations of merit, without which none is honoured or
rewarded. But when a man obtains only those honours or rewards which he
seems to himself to deserve, he will never admit that he is under any
obligation to those who bestow them. Moreover the common benefits that
all derive from a free government, which consist in the power to enjoy
what is our own, openly and undisturbed, in having to feel no anxiety
for the honour of wife or child, nor any fear for personal safety, are
hardly recognized by men while they still possess them, since none will
ever confess obligation to him who merely refrains from injury. For
these reasons, I repeat, a State which has recently become free, is
likely to have bitter enemies and no warm friends.