A Philosophical Dictionary, Volume 07 — Voltaire — John Shaqi
A Philosophical Dictionary, Volume 07
Voltaire · en
"The Romans never exhibited any jealousy on the score of commerce. It
was as a rival, not as a commercial nation, that they attacked
Carthage."
It was both as a warlike and as a commercial nation, as the learned Huet
proves in his "Commerce of the Ancients," when he shows that the Romans
were addicted to commerce a long time before the first Punic war.
"The sterility of the territory of Athens established a popular
government there, and the fertility of that of Lacedæmon an aristocratic
one."
Whence this chimera? From enslaved Athens we still derive cotton, silk,
rice, corn, oil, and skins; and from the country of Lacedæmon nothing.
Athens was twenty times richer than Lacedæmon. With respect to the
comparative fertility of the soil, it is necessary to visit those
countries to appreciate it; but the form of a government is never
attributed to the greater or less fertility. Venice had very little corn
when her nobles governed. Genoa is assuredly not fertile, and yet is an
aristocracy. Geneva is a more popular state, and has not the means of
existing a fortnight upon its own productions. Sweden, which is equally
poor, has for a long time submitted to the yoke of a monarchy; while
fertile Poland is aristocratic. I cannot conceive how general rules can
be established, which may be falsified upon the slightest appeal to
experience.
"In Europe, empires have never been able to exist." Yet the Roman Empire
existed for five hundred years, and that of the Turks has maintained
itself since the year 1453.
"The duration of the great empires of Asia is principally owing to the
prevalence of vast plains." M. Montesquieu forgets the mountains which
cross Natolia and Syria, Caucasus, Taurus, Ararat, Imaus, and others,
the ramifications of which extend throughout Asia.
* * * * *
After thus convincing ourselves that errors abound in the "Spirit of
Laws"; after everybody is satisfied that this work wants method, and
possesses neither plan nor order, it is proper to inquire into that
which really forms its merit, and which has led to its great reputation.
In the first place, it is written with great wit, while the authors of
all the other books on this subject are tedious. It was on this account
that a lady, who possessed as much wit as Montesquieu, observed, that
his book was "_l'esprit sur les lois_." It can never be more correctly
defined.
A still stronger reason is that the book exhibits grand views, attacks
tyranny, superstition, and grinding taxation--three things which mankind
detest. The author consoles slaves in lamenting their fetters, and the
slaves in return applaud him.
One of the most bitter and absurd of his enemies, who contributed most
by his rage to exalt the name of Montesquieu throughout Europe, was the
journalist of the Convulsionaries. He called him a Spinozist and deist;
that is to say, he accused him at the same time of not believing in God
and of believing in God alone.