"1683-1920": The Fourteen Points and What Became of Them—Foreign Propaganda in the Public Schools—Rewriting the History of the United States—The Espionage Act and How It Worked—"Illegal and Indefensible Blockade" of the Central Powers—1,000,000 Victims of Starvation—Our Debt to France and to Germany—The War Vote in Congress—Truth About the Belgian Atrocities—Our Treaty with Germany and How Observed—The Alien Property Custodianship—Secret Will of Cecil Rhodes—Racial Strains in American Life—GermaSchrader, Frederick Franklin
History
"1683-1920": The Fourteen Points and What Became of Them—Foreign Propaganda in the Public Schools—Rewriting the History of the United States—The Espionage Act and How It Worked—"Illegal and Indefensible Blockade" of the Central Powers—1,000,000 Victims of Starvation—Our Debt to France and to Germany—The War Vote in Congress—Truth About the Belgian Atrocities—Our Treaty with Germany and How Observed—The Alien Property Custodianship—Secret Will of Cecil Rhodes—Racial Strains in American Life—Germa
Schrader, Frederick Franklin
Germans -- United States; World War, 1914-1918 -- Miscellanea
Nor was this all that Bancroft accomplished. The Northwestern
boundary, having been settled by treaty, Bancroft, while United
States Minister in Great Britain, had perceived an incipient effort
of a great English interest to encroach on the territory which had
been acknowledged by the treaty to be a part of the United States.
By and by the importunities of interested persons in England, who
possessed a great party influence, began to make themselves heard,
and the British government by degrees supported the attempt to raise
a question respecting the true line of the boundary of the Northwest
and finally formulated a perverse claim of their own, with a view of
obtaining what they wanted as a compromise.
The American administration had of course changed, and the President
and his cabinet, having had no part in the negotiations, agreed to
refer the question to an arbiter. They made the mistake of consenting
that the arbiter, if there was uncertainty as to the true boundary
line, might himself establish a boundary of compromise. The person
to whom the settlement of the dispute was to be referred was the
president of the Swiss Republic.
The American Secretary of State chanced to die while the method of
arrangement was still inchoate. Bancroft at once wrote to the new
Secretary, urging him not to accept a proposal of compromise, because
that would seem to admit an uncertainty as to the American title, and
to sanction and even invite a decision of the arbiter in favor of a
compromise, and would open the way for England, under an appearance
of concession, to obtain all that she needed.
Being at the time minister to the court of Prussia, he advised the
government to insist on the American claim in full, not to listen to
a proposal of compromise, but to let each party formulate its claim,
and to call on the arbiter to decide which was right, and urged it to
select for that arbiter the Emperor of Germany.
The Department of State at once consented that the arbiter should be
the Emperor of Germany, and left the whole matter of carrying out the
American argument to Bancroft. The conduct of the question, the first
presentation of the case, as well as the reply to the British, were
every word by him, and the decision of the Emperor was unreservedly
in favor of the United States. (Prof. William M. Sloane, in “The
Century,” for January, 1887.)
Bancroft has been pronounced one of the greatest historians of the
past century; he was one of the most distinguished statesmen of his
time, and as former minister to London and a student at Göttingen and
minister to Germany, he was qualified as no other famous American to
form an appraisal of German, French and English policies, especially
in regard to ourselves. We may be pardoned, therefore, in taking more
than a cursory interest in some expressions which occur in a letter
of Bancroft’s, addressed to Hamilton Fish, then Secretary of State,
and written at Berlin during the Franco-Prussian war.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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