mind, in relation to the subject of slavery; hence our surprise and admiration. It is not more certain that his efforts were earnest and vigorous in defence of the measure, than that they were prompted by disinterested motives. The nature of his circumstances at this period is such as to render it certain that he did not stop to estimate the consequences of defeat, either to his popularity or his purse; in short, that so far as personality was concerned, ‘_cui bono_’ was neither in his mind nor on his lips. How ridiculously absurd then, in the light of such abundant evidence to the contrary, the assertions of his enemies, that he was actuated by selfish motives, by an inordinate desire to attract attention. There was no ground for such a desire. In Kentucky, at least, his popularity would hardly admit of augmentation, and daily, and almost hourly the testimonials of approbation lavished upon him, and the high appreciation of his character, his services, and his talents, cannot be enumerated. Though defeated, he was not discouraged nor disheartened. Conscious that his action had been in accordance with his conviction of duty, he derived great consolation from the fact, and girded himself to do battle again for the same principle in a different connection. Mr. Clay was a lover of Liberty, not exclusively on account of any particular advantages her possession might confer, but on account of her own intrinsic loveliness and inalienability. In looking at his political career, we find that his most gigantic efforts were put forth whenever he discovered a disposition to abridge her lawful exercise. It seems to have been even at its commencement a settled principle with him, to resist oppression under whatever form presented. This he discovered in the odious Alien and Sedition laws, enacted in 1798–9. These were anathematised by the democracy of the country, as hostile to our institutions, involving an unwarrantable assumption of power, manifestly unconstitutional, savoring strongly of tyrannical usurpation, and not to be tolerated. The Alien law empowered the president to command any alien whom he should judge dangerous to the peace and safety of the country, to depart out of the territory within such time as he should specify, under penalty of being imprisoned for a time not exceeding three years. The Sedition law was intended to guard against the abuse of speech and of the press. Besides subjecting to imprisonment, it imposed a heavy pecuniary fine, on such as combined, conspired, or united, to oppose any governmental measure,――who should utter, write, print, publish, &c., any false, and scandalous, and malicious writing, against the government of the United States or the president, &c. The appearance of these laws was greeted with one general outburst of indignation, from one end of the land to the other, but in no section was the expression of disapprobation more strongly marked or prompt than in Kentucky. In the front rank of those who