A Biography of Henry Clay, the Senator from Kentucky: Containing Also, a Complete Report of All His Speeches; Selections From His Private Correspondence; Eulogies in the Senate and House; and a Poem, by George D. Prentice, Esq.
History
A Biography of Henry Clay, the Senator from Kentucky: Containing Also, a Complete Report of All His Speeches; Selections From His Private Correspondence; Eulogies in the Senate and House; and a Poem, by George D. Prentice, Esq.
Clay, Henry, 1777-1852; Speeches, addresses, etc., American
the stomach is deleterious, as to adduce the squalor and wretchedness
of England’s manufacturing population as proof positive of the
pernicious tendency of the system under which they operated. This was
not sufficiently restricted. It was too grasping――intended to make
her the manufacturing monopolist of the world, and so shaped as to
shut out effectually all rivalry. To this grand, distinctive feature of
that system the evil in question could be directly traced――an evil that
would be seen attendant on any vast, artificial establishment similarly
conducted, whether encouraged by public or private patronage. That the
objections, therefore, of opposing members lost all their validity when
directed towards the system itself, which they possibly might possess
when directed towards the feature mentioned, if it were not known that
this was merely conventional, and not inherent, which might be retained
or rejected at pleasure. It had not been, indeed it could not be denied,
that to this system, badly as it was organized, England was materially
indebted for that extensive developement of her natural resources which
she had made, and especially for her maratime importance. That her
literary and scientific institutions owed their permanence and eminence
mainly to it, which had diffused also streams of beneficial influence
through every part of her vast dominions. In the case of England,
throwing the broad shield of her protection around this system, two
results were witnessed, the satisfaction of her own and the world’s
wants in relation to manufactures. But it was not intended nor desired
to imitate her in this respect by carrying the principle of protection
so far. The public aid solicited for the American manufacturer was
moderate, just sufficient to enable him to supply the domestic demand
for his fabrics. The measure, even then, was most obviously one of
expedience and wisdom, and doubtless always would be; but there were
indications to render it certain that it would soon become one of
necessity. There was a strong prospect of our being deprived of our
accustomed commercial intercourse, in consequence of the arbitrary and
illegal proceedings of the belligerent nations of Europe, and that we
should be obstructed by military power from an exercise of our right
to carry the productions of our own soil to the proper market for
them. The circumstances that then surrounded the country rendered it
imperiously incumbent upon her to look to herself, and in herself,
and from her inestimably valuable raw materials make for herself such
articles as were requisite for her prosperity in peace, and protection
in war. In short, to take such measures as to forever obviate the
necessity of resorting to the workshops of the old world for them.
Mr. Clay referred to our immense natural resources, scattered in rich
and varied profusion over the land, as furnishing an argument in favor
of the policy he was advocating. In contending for our manufacturing
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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