On the third day of December, 1810, the commencement of the third session of the eleventh congress, Mr. Clay was found in his place in the senate. A subject that had been much agitated in private many months previous, and up to that time, was now brought forward for public discussion――that of re-chartering the United States bank. This was the all absorbing topic of the session, and called into exercise Mr. Clay’s most vigorous powers. His instructions from the legislature of Kentucky required him to oppose the re-charter of that institution, and these were in coincidence with his own views relative to it. It had been his design to limit his opposition to merely recording his vote against the renewal of its charter, without entering into the discussion which would probably ensue, but the virulent and menacing character of the proceedings of those advocating its re-charter, unsealed his lips, and caused him to apply the lash of his eloquence to their backs with most tremendous effect. These embraced the whole body of the federal, and many of the democratic party――an array of members and strength which might have deterred any ordinary man from confronting. Against this, he stood almost alone, deserted even by Mr. Pope, his colleague: yet he stood firm; and, from the effect that followed his exertions, proved himself more deserving the title of ‘Macedonian Phalanx,’ than the federal party to whom he had applied it. The attack was provoked by that party, and it was made in the spirit of conscious might, which not only meets opposition with the utmost certainty of overthrowing, but which seeks it. He alluded to that deep-seated prejudice in the public mind, against the bank, and the foundation of that prejudice. It did not escape his notice that the bank was created by the federal party――its warmest and most devoted friends, then resorting to every expedient and means to prolong its existence. He was also well aware of the aid rendered that party, by Mr. Crawford and others, who had in this measure left the democratic ranks and gone over to it. He referred, also, to the astounding fact, that the institution was in reality in the hands of foreigners, since foreign capitalists were more deeply interested in its continuance than our own, who owned a moiety only of its stock; neither did he fail to suggest, that perhaps the violent struggle then going on to keep it in existence, was instigated and maintained, to no inconsiderable extent, by foreign influence. In no equivocal manner he depicted the absurdity, to say nothing of the danger, of permitting Great Britain to acquire such an influence as she evidently could acquire, by having her monetary interests, to so great an extent, identified with the United States bank――an influence which would place facilities in her hands, that, in case she felt disposed, she could use to our most serious detriment. These and many other considerations, he brought forward as