A Collection of State-papers, Relative to the First Acknowledgment of the Sovereignty of the United States of America, and the Reception of Their Minister Plenipotentiary, by Their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Netherlands : to Which is Prefixed, the Political Character of John Adams, Ambassador Plenipotentiary from the States of North America, to Their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands ... Likewise, an Essay on Canon and Feudal
History
A Collection of State-papers, Relative to the First Acknowledgment of the Sovereignty of the United States of America, and the Reception of Their Minister Plenipotentiary, by Their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Netherlands : to Which is Prefixed, the Political Character of John Adams, Ambassador Plenipotentiary from the States of North America, to Their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands ... Likewise, an Essay on Canon and Feudal
Law; Netherlands -- Foreign relations -- United States; United States -- Foreign relations -- Netherlands
perhaps have alleged some plausible reason, to justify, in some degree,
the backwardness in this great and interesting affair. But, as at
present Great Britain is no longer our secret, but declared enemy, which
dissolves all the connections between the two nations; and as it is the
duty, not only of all the Regencies, but also of all the Citizens of
this Republic, to reduce, by all imaginable annoyances, this enemy so
unjust to reason, and to force him, if possible, to conclude an
honourable peace; why should we hesitate any longer, to strike, by this
measure so reasonable, the most sensible blow to the common enemy? Will
not this delay occasion a suspicion that we prefer the interest of our
enemy to that of our country? North America, so sensibly offended by the
refusal of her offer; France and Spain, in the midst of a war supported
with activity, must they not regard us as the secret friends, and
favourers of their and our common enemy? Have they not reason to
conclude from it, that our inaction ought to be less attributed to our
weakness, than to our affection for England? Will not this opinion
destroy all confidence in our nation heretofore so renowned in this
respect? And our allies, at this time natural, must they not imagine,
that it is better to have in us declared enemies than pretended friends?
And shall we not be involved in a ruinous war, which we might have
rendered advantageous, if it had been well directed? While on the other
hand it is evident, that by a new connection with the States of North
America, by engagements at least during this war with France and Spain,
we shall obtain, not only the confidence of these formidable powers,
instead of their distrust, but by this means we shall moreover place our
colonies in safety against any insult; we shall have a well grounded
hope, of recovering, with the aid of the allied powers, our lost
possessions, if the English should make themselves masters of them; and
our commerce at present neglected, and so shamefully pillaged, would
reassume a new vigour; considering that in such case, as it is
manifestly proved by solid reasons, this Republic would derive from this
commerce the most signal advantages. But, since our interest excites us
forcibly to act in concert with the enemies of our enemy; since the
United States of America invited us to it long ago; since France
appears inclined to concert her military operations with ours (although
this power has infinitely less interest to ally itself with us, whose
weakness manifests itself in so palpable a manner, than we have to form
an alliance, the most respectable in the universe) it is indubitably the
duty of every Regency, to promote it with all their forces, and with all
the celerity imaginable. To this end, we have thought it our duty, to
lay it before your noble Mightinesses, in the firm persuasion that the
zeal of your noble Mightinesses will be as earnest as ours, to concur to
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