A Critical Analysis of Patriotism As an Ethical Concept: A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Yale University in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy May 1, 1918 — John Shaqi
A Critical Analysis of Patriotism As an Ethical Concept: A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Yale University in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy May 1, 1918Reidenbach, Clarence
Philosophy
A Critical Analysis of Patriotism As an Ethical Concept: A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Yale University in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy May 1, 1918
Reidenbach, Clarence
Patriotism; Thesis (Ph. D.)
But there are other and more important forces back of the inculcation
of patriotism. In most countries the state with all its power is
vigilant lest patriotism be allowed to become otiose. And it has means
at its disposal that range from the selection and repression of news to
the active use of all sorts of influences which sway the mind of the
public. And these influences do not go unemployed. There are those in
the state who have a special interest in arousing a strong sentiment
of patriotism. Conspicuous among such are the professional soldiers.
They, of course, want a solidified population. Their training has
emphasized their appreciation of the value of obedience and uniformity.
These virtues are essentials in the discipline of an army, and in
terms of military logic they seem to be essentials in the organization
of a country. J. M. Robertson has a division of a book which he has
devoted to a discussion of the regimentation of militarism.[34] But
the guardianship of the patriotic fire within the state is not turned
over entirely into soldierly hands. Other interests, whose nature and
motives in contrast with the straightforward purposes of the country’s
guardians are such as to make it difficult to describe them in the
dispassionate spirit of scientific and philosophic discourse, are ready
with their assistance. And, of course, the ordinary civilian temper is
not averse to the rigorous regimentation of patriotic loyalty.
Hegel[35] thought that it was both right and necessary that the
state should control public opinion. He considered that the people
had no opinions of very great worth. “... The people, in so far as
this term signifies a special part of the citizens, does not know what
it wills. To know what we will, and further what the absolute will,
namely, reason, wills, is the fruit of deep knowledge and insight,
and is therefore not the property of the people.”[36] Public opinion
without the guidance of the state was unorganized and dangerous. “The
many as individuals, whom we are prone to call the people, are indeed
a collective whole, but merely as a multitude or formless mass, whose
movement and action would be elemental, void of reason, violent, and
terrible.”[36] Therefore it was necessary for the proper source of
authority to organize public opinion. And, of course, this work of
organization and direction was to be the task of the officials of the
state. “The highest state officials have necessarily deeper and more
comprehensive insight into the workings and needs of the state, and
also greater skill and wider practical experience.”[37] There are
others who do not hold Hegel’s philosophical system that yet agree with
him in upholding the high sovereignty and controlling supervision of
the state.
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