A Critical Analysis of Patriotism As an Ethical Concept: A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Yale University in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy May 1, 1918Reidenbach, Clarence
Philosophy
A Critical Analysis of Patriotism As an Ethical Concept: A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Yale University in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy May 1, 1918
Reidenbach, Clarence
Patriotism; Thesis (Ph. D.)
There is a true sense in which the state embodies the general will.
It is, in the area of its jurisdiction, the representatives not of a
class, but of all the people living in that area. It is the repository
of the collective will of its citizens. Therefore, it is fitted to
keep the peace, and to be for the purpose of keeping peace, the user
of force. The cry has been raised, “Why is the state armed? No other
institution feels it necessary to be equipped with an armament.” But
the truth is that it is just because the state is armed that no other
institution needs to be. One police force is enough. We shall always
need the state to keep other institutions in harmony. And institutions
which exist for other purposes than that of the maintenance of law and
order will have to submit to regulation by the state for the sake of
law and order. It will be the state’s business, among other things, to
maintain a democracy of institutions.
The state, because of the generality of its character, plays an
important role in federating the loyalties of men. Economic interests,
religious interests, and so on, do not exhaust the catalogue of human
activities. Each individual will have touch with other individuals with
whom he would not outside the state be organized in any institution.
One may have a neighbor who is of another trade or church. The state
brings one into a common life with his neighbors. The state’s character
as a power helps it to occupy this role as federator of loyalties. It
is back of all the institutions of life; it sustains them. Consequently
the loyalties given to the other institutions tend to head up in the
state. It is a universal, too, because its unifying principle, that of
space, is so universal. Such a principle is very general, and may be
empty unless enriched by many differentiations within itself; the life
that it unifies may be very meagre without those differentiations, but
generality is akin to universality, and just because the principle is
so general, it may act as a unifier of many in one. A loyalty that
shall be an organizer of all loyalties is needed. For the individual,
even after he is a member of all the voluntary organizations to which
he is eligible, there ought to be that which will unify his whole
life. So likewise there ought to be that which will unify the whole
of mankind. The state and the church seem to be the only institutions
which in ideal are capable of achieving these results. And at the
present time we seem nearer a universal political than religious
unification of mankind. Human nature is a long way from being ready to
warrant putting one’s trust in it as the guarantee of peace and justice
because each human being loves his neighbor as himself. At any rate,
the state will have a fundamental purpose as an integration of mankind
for so long a time to come that it may be said to be permanently
necessary. The character of the state as being the condition of all the
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