A Croatian composer : $b notes toward the study of Joseph HaydnHadow, W. H. (William Henry)
History
A Croatian composer : $b notes toward the study of Joseph Haydn
Hadow, W. H. (William Henry)
Composers -- Biography; Haydn, Joseph, 1732-1809; Names, Personal -- Croatia
It will be objected that this is only a present impression, and that
it tells us nothing of those days when, apparently, the whole _raison
d’être_ of the population was to furnish fighting-men for the army of
Maria Theresa. In answer to this, two points must be made clear: first,
the state of Croatia proper during the past two centuries; second, the
position occupied at the same period by other members of the Croatian
race.[5] The argument “e nihilo nihil” need hardly be stated here,
though it will be seen later that nothing has been added to the Croats
except opportunity.
[5] For the sake of clearness, it may be well to say that Croatia
proper means that district across the Save of which Agram (_i.e._
Zagreb) is the capital; and that the same race occupies the entire
territory from the Drave to the Lake of Scutari; and from the Roumanian
frontier to the Adriatic. There is some Italian population in the
extreme west, _e.g._, at Zara; but most of this region is exclusively
Slavonic, and the Servo-Croatian language prevails with certain
modifications over the whole of it. There is also a considerable Croat
population in Istria, Carniola, Lower Austria, and the adjoining parts
of Hungary.
Throughout the eighteenth century the policy of the Austrian Government
was to repress as far as possible the Slavonic peoples that lay under
its rule. Bohemia, which had lost its independence at the Thirty Years’
War, was intellectually the “desert” which the Emperor Ferdinand had
wished to make it; and the same drastic measures, though for somewhat
different reasons, were applied to the subject races that fringed the
southern border. Croatia in particular was used merely as an outpost
against Turkish invasion: “purchased,” as Dr. Kuhač says, “with a few
empty political concessions,” but kept in reality under the close
discipline of a barrack-state. “We were not allowed,” he continues, “to
provide for our people the advantages of a real city, we had no centre
of intellectual life and progress, and it was considered a sufficient
privilege if the name of capital was bestowed upon one or other of our
towns.”[6]
[6] Josip Haydn, p. 3.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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