A Glance at the Past and Present of the Negro: An Address — John Shaqi
A Glance at the Past and Present of the Negro: An AddressTerrell, Robert H. (Robert Heberton)
History
A Glance at the Past and Present of the Negro: An Address
Terrell, Robert H. (Robert Heberton)
African Americans; Slavery -- United States
And yet, all of his splendid progress in education and all of the useful
qualities developed in him as an industrial factor have not protected
him against terrible outrages and unspeakable cruelties. When he was
eliminated from the field of politics by state constitutions, adopted
for that sole purpose, it was our hope and prayer that he would at least
find some compensation for the wrong in safety from the mob and in the
enjoyment of that peace which should attend every law abiding citizen,
whether white or black. Our hopes have not been realized and we are
forced to the conclusion that the brutal treatment of the Negro is not
due to the fact that he was in politics. Nothing less than an intolerant
race hatred could be the moving influence of such ferocity and
fiendishness as characterize the lynchings of the black man in this
country. Where Negroes are concerned mob law too often has displaced
judges and juries and terrorized sheriffs and done away with prison
walls. Its ravages are confined to no section of the country.
Occasionally white men are the victims of its awful fury—but only for
the most terrible crimes; but let the Negro’s offence be great or small,
he is not secure from its vengeance. Our enemies succeeded for a long
time in making the country believe that the black man was lynched only
for the unspeakable crime. The record has always belied this charge.
Bishop Candler of the Southern Methodist Church said the other day that
two years ago the figures for a year showed only sixteen cases of rape
against 128 lynchings. He gave, too, this significant warning, “If the
people will not control the mob, the mob will soon control the people.”
That best and fairest of men President Roosevelt, sees the danger. He
knows that they who violate the rights of one race of men, unrestrained,
will soon violate the rights of another. In his own vigorous way he has
spoken to the country on the subject of mob law. It is to be hoped that
one speaking from so exalted a place will arouse the American conscience
from the slumber into which it has been lulled by an unconcern dangerous
to individuals and to the country alike. Referring to the crime of rape
he has given us the wisest and best advice. “In such cases,” says he
“the colored people throughout the land should in every possible way
show their belief that they, more than all others in the community are
horrified at the commission of such crime and are peculiarly concerned
in taking every possible measure to prevent its recurrence and bring the
criminal to immediate justice. The slightest lack of vigor, either in
denunciation of the crime or in bringing the criminal to justice is
itself unpardonable.” In his wisdom the President has struck the note to
which we must readily and willingly respond. No man, black or white, who
commits a crime is entitled to our sympathy or to our protection. It is
our duty both in speech and in conduct to endeavor to impress the
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