A history of England principally in the seventeenth century, Volume 2 (of 6)Ranke, Leopold von
History
A history of England principally in the seventeenth century, Volume 2 (of 6)
Ranke, Leopold von
England -- Civilization -- 17th century; Great Britain -- History -- Stuarts, 1603-1714
On the very day on which Charles I issued his summons for
the Magnum Concilium to meet at York, the two Earls of
Bedford and Hertford appeared in London before the Privy
Council, laid their petition before it, and moved for its
concurrence in their prayer. The Earls said that they
themselves were ready to pay true obedience to the King
under all circumstances, but that they could not answer
for the friends by whom they were commissioned, and that
if their request was rejected, they would not be held
answerable for the mischiefs that might ensue[195]. The
obvious question was asked, who were their associates:
and they replied, many other lords and a great part of
the gentry in all parts of the country. The news of the
summoning of the Great Council was communicated to them:
they received it without attaching much importance to
the fact, remarking that this council durst not take any
steps towards the granting of money, nor allow any injury
to the commons and their rights. Lord Arundel referred
to the religious portion of their petition, saying that
they seemed to wish to join the Scots for the purpose of
effecting a reform in the Church[196], but that the result
might be, under the pretext of liberty and religion to make
England a prey to the Scots. The two Earls were asked if
there was not already in England an association similar to
the Covenant: but this they denied.
Without doubt such was the situation;--it is true that no
popular religious union, either in England itself, or with
the Scots, was actually formed: still that did not prevent
the Scottish cause from being sure of general sympathy. [A.D. 1640.]
Some saw in it the cause of God and of the only true
religion, which the Scottish army had come to defend:
others cared chiefly for the support which the presence
of the Scots afforded to their own political attitude: in
many both these motives for sympathy were united. From the
beginning down to the present day, the exact understanding
which had been entered into between the parties has
continued in the profoundest obscurity. Tradition connects
the memory of it, among other places, with Broughton
Castle in Oxfordshire, the seat of Lord Say, and Fawley
in Northamptonshire, the house of a son-in-law of John
Hampden: there a table was pointed out, at which all the
plans were concocted from which the civil troubles arose.
In London it was at the house of John Pym, near Gray’s Inn,
that the meetings were held and conferences took place,
by which, as it was assumed, a close connexion with the
Scots was maintained[197]. Moreover the well-considered
and well-written manifesto of the Scots made a marked
impression in their favour: it suggested points of view
which every one could accept. They did not omit, after
the capture of Newcastle, a place which was of the
utmost importance to the English capital on account of
the coal supply, to open communications with the city:
they expressed in a special letter, as well as in their
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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