A history of England principally in the seventeenth century, Volume 2 (of 6)Ranke, Leopold von
History
A history of England principally in the seventeenth century, Volume 2 (of 6)
Ranke, Leopold von
England -- Civilization -- 17th century; Great Britain -- History -- Stuarts, 1603-1714
manifesto, their good-will and even their reverence for
London, assuring them that the traffic should not be for an
instant interrupted, their purpose being to make friends
and not enemies. We learn that this declaration produced
the desired effect[198].
After the step taken by the Lords, preparations were
immediately made in the city to present a petition similar
to theirs. The Privy Council sent a letter to the Lord
Mayor and Aldermen, warning them against this proceeding;
saying that the city had from the earliest times been
treated as the King’s chamber, even as his own house, [A.D. 1640.]
to which he would entrust his wife and children[199]:
that they ought not to press him about grievances which
he was ever labouring to remove, and that this course was
inconsistent with the customs and charters of the city. But
the Aldermen refused to interfere: still less could they be
induced to do what was suggested to them--address to the
King a petition of contrary tenour[200]. These ideas of a
special connexion vanished before the general religious
and political motives of action in the Commons as well as
in the Lords. The King was requested, in the name of his
capital also, to summon a Parliament as soon as possible,
for the removal of grievances to which, as experience
proved, the usual course of justice did not extend.
This was the demand which had been repeated for more than
ten years in stronger or weaker language, which the King
had evaded as often as possible, but which nevertheless had
often been pressed upon him. Once he had taken steps in
that direction, in the hope that complications abroad might
in the interval occur to check opposition at home: but he
was most bitterly disappointed. Should he now after all
decide on this course? The need of Parliamentary aid was
more pressing than ever, the cry for a Parliament louder:
and the impression which this demand had made was deepened
by another motive, the fear of worse consequences in case
of refusal. The idea gained ground that if the King delayed
to call a Parliament, the associated Lords would take steps
towards that end[201]. A Parliament had already been held
in Scotland without the King’s participation. What else
did the threats mean that Bedford and Hertford had uttered
before the assembled Privy Council? It was asserted that
the Queen, who was close at hand at Hampton Court, and was
taking counsel on the state of affairs with her confidants
in the Privy Council, had been induced by the impending [A.D. 1640.]
dangers to advise the King to summon Parliament
immediately; and if he would not do this--so she was
reported to have written with the concurrence of some of
the ministers--that at least he should not lose an instant
in returning to London, otherwise irreparable disasters
would be imminent[202]. Hereupon the King adopted the
resolution which of all others was most repugnant to him,
and that immediately; no extraneous influence could have
led him to it.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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