A history of England principally in the seventeenth century, Volume 2 (of 6)Ranke, Leopold von
History
A history of England principally in the seventeenth century, Volume 2 (of 6)
Ranke, Leopold von
England -- Civilization -- 17th century; Great Britain -- History -- Stuarts, 1603-1714
The removal of an unpopular minister, even if so strong a
step should frighten others who were inclined to follow
in his footsteps, was not the final aim of Parliament:
it would no longer endure in the highest offices of the
court and state either secret or open opponents. The King
was warned not to let matters go so far as that their
names should be mentioned. The Prince of Wales in future
ought to be surrounded by men publicly held by Parliament
to be trustworthy: neither Jesuits nor Capuchins were to
be endured in the Queen’s household: no one who entered
England with instructions from the Pope was to enjoy the
protection of the law: if the King left the country a
guard of trusty nobles was to prevent any Popish intrigues
of the Queen’s court. The internal administration of the [A.D. 1641.]
realm was to be ordered in the same way: none but adherents
of the Parliament should hold the chief posts in the
counties, or be entrusted by them with subordinate offices.
With these was combined the idea of joining in an oath
by which the obedience of the officers and militia to
parliamentary ordinances should be secured, and of placing
in safe hands the ports of the kingdom and the command of
the fleet.
Various motives may have conspired to produce these
resolutions; the renewed mistrust of the households of the
King and Queen, which naturally held to the prerogative
of the crown, imitation of the Scots, and rivalry with
them, in so far as they aimed at exercising a separate
influence over the King, above all the logical development
of the principles already adopted, which could tolerate
no independent action of the crown. On the occasion of
the King’s journey these tendencies of the predominant
party in the Lower House obtained the fullest expression.
It was proposed that for the time a deputy or _custos
regni_ should be appointed, to give the requisite sanction
to the bills that passed the two Houses, or that royal
functions should be entrusted to the Prince of Wales, who
was still too young for a will of his own, perhaps to the
Elector Palatine, who was very needy: it is even said that
words were uttered to the effect that there was no need
of monarchical forms[267]. If so, this was the first time
that republican sentiments were expressed in the debates of
Parliament.
These things however were as yet far off. Though some of
the Lords agreed with the Commons, there was always in
the Upper House a majority which opposed them in decisive
moments.
It is plain, nevertheless, that the movement was entering
on a new stage. A simple restoration of the constitution
to check the encroachments of the crown would no longer
suffice. The barriers were in danger of being broken down
which the constitution itself placed in the way of the
dominant faction.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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