A history of England principally in the seventeenth century, Volume 2 (of 6)Ranke, Leopold von
History
A history of England principally in the seventeenth century, Volume 2 (of 6)
Ranke, Leopold von
England -- Civilization -- 17th century; Great Britain -- History -- Stuarts, 1603-1714
Did they entertain the thought of sweeping away the English
Parliament altogether, or at least of not calling it
together again? This is not likely. King Charles affirmed
on more than one occasion that it lay with him to summon
or not to summon Parliament, and a resolution had been
formed to issue no fresh summons as long as the royal
authority was not firmly established on its own foundation.
The Archbishop once said at a later time, that Parliament
was intended to maintain the power and greatness of the
crown, but that nothing in the world was more lamentable
than the corruption of what was good: that Parliament had
once ventured to depose a king, but that it never ought to
be allowed to proceed to this length again: that for his
part he had never thought of setting aside Parliamentary
government; though he had perhaps thought it right, in
cases of urgent necessity, to collect taxes which had not
been granted by Parliament.
We become still more accurately acquainted with the
direction in which affairs were moving, through a letter
from Wentworth to the King. After the miscarriage of
Arundel’s mission, much was said of the expediency of
again forming a connexion between England and France
and the States-General, of imposing certain conditions
on the Spaniards, and then exacting their performance
even by force of arms. Wentworth declared himself most
decidedly opposed to the scheme, and that not only because
he preferred the alliance of Spain to that of France on [A.D. 1636.]
general grounds, but most of all, as he states at full
length, because the power of the King was not sufficiently
confirmed in Ireland, much less in England, to allow him to
interfere decisively in European affairs. Whatever weight
might attach to the declaration of the courts of justice
that the King was entitled to levy ship-money, yet he
considered this decision far from sufficient. If a war were
to break out, he thought that the tax would be refused,
and that the government would have less power to exact it:
what would happen then if any disaster occurred? It would
certainly be necessary in that case to summon Parliament,
and to claim its assistance--a course which under the
present circumstances no one could wish to adopt. So long
as it had not been decided that the King had the same right
to raise an army which he now enjoyed with regard to the
navy, Wentworth thought that his authority had only one
foot, and that he must be put in a position to raise forces
for service on land, which he could lead into foreign
countries according to his own judgment, like the old kings
of England; that this state of things must be brought about
first in England, and then step by step in Scotland; and
that till then the goal could not be reached, and no great
undertaking could be hazarded[71].
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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