A History of Matrimonial Institutions, Vol. 1 of 3Howard, George Elliott
History
A History of Matrimonial Institutions, Vol. 1 of 3
Howard, George Elliott
Families; Marriage -- History
The evidence adduced seems conclusive that polyandry holds a
relatively unimportant place in the sociological history of mankind.
It is not of frequent occurrence; it is usually modified in the
direction of monogamy; and it always implies a considerable progress
in civilization. The case is much the same with polygyny.[431] It is
not a mere limitation of promiscuity, as some writers believe,[432]
but usually makes its appearance comparatively late in social
history. It is found side by side with polyandry and does not grow
out of it, as McLennan supposes. Finally, like polyandry, its
importance as a form of sexual relations has been greatly magnified.
True, polygyny is much more widely dispersed than polyandry, being
found perhaps among the majority of races both in ancient and modern
times.[433] Its rise is particularly favored by the economic and
social forces which produce the patriarchal system.[434] But, on
the other hand, among many barbarous peoples it is "almost unknown
or even prohibited." Monogamy appears to be the _prevailing_
form of the family precisely among peoples least advanced in
general culture and particularly in the economic arts.[435] It
is highly significant, to take a single example, that among the
Dravidian Veddahs of Ceylon, commonly regarded as anatomically and
intellectually among the most backward races of mankind, monogamous
unions last until death dissolves them. To those still untouched
by foreign influences polyandry and polygyny are entirely unknown.
There is no prostitution. Conjugal fidelity is remarkable. Free
courtship exists. Children are treated with kindness; and in general
the Sarasin brothers present a picture of pleasing domestic life
among this singular people.[436]
[431] On polygyny see SWINDEREN, _Disputatio
de polygynia_ (1795); WEINHOLD, _Die deutschen
Frauen_, II, 13 ff.; POST, _Familienrecht_, 63 ff.;
_Geschlechtsgenossenschaft_, 17 ff., 26 ff.; KOVALEVSKY,
_Tableau_, 101 ff.; HELLWALD, _Die mensch. Familie_,
367-437; MASON, _Woman's Share in Primitive
Culture_, 222 ff.; DARWIN, _Descent of Man_, chaps.
viii, xx; LUBBOCK, _Origin of Civilization_, 143;
LETOURNEAU, _L'évolution du mariage_, chaps. viii,
ix, x, xi; WAKE, _Marriage and Kinship_, chap. vi;
SPENCER, _Principles of Sociology_, I, 682-97;
STARCKE, _Primitive Family_, 261 ff., _passim_;
WESTERMARCK, _Human Marriage_, 431 ff., and Index.
For examples of polygyny see KOHLER, in _ZVR._, VII,
370, 379 (Papuas); VIII, 114 (Dekkan); IX, 324 (Bengal);
X, 55 (Azteks); 97-99 (Bombay); XI, 432, 433 (Kamerun);
HENRICI, "Das Recht der Epheneger," _ZVR._, XI, 134;
POST, "Die Kodification des Rechts der Amaxosa,"
_ibid._, XI, 232, 233; REHME, "Das Recht der Amaxosa,"
_ibid._, X, 36.
[432] For instance, SPENCER, _Principles of Sociology_,
I, 672, 688.
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