A History of Matrimonial Institutions, Vol. 1 of 3Howard, George Elliott
History
A History of Matrimonial Institutions, Vol. 1 of 3
Howard, George Elliott
Families; Marriage -- History
present." The explanations of similar usages advanced by McLennan
and Westermarck, such as phallicism, are deemed inapplicable
to these cases: SPENCER AND GILLEN, _Native Tribes of
Central Australia_, 92-111. Compare especially KOHLER,
_Zur Urgeschichte der Ehe_, 64 ff., _passim_, who finds in
the totem groups and classificatory systems of relationship,
existing in Australia, America, and elsewhere, evidence of former
group-marriage.
But these usages are capable of a very different explanation. That
they imply a primitive state of promiscuity is emphatically denied
by Crawley. Like sacred prostitution, the customs of avoidance, the
couvade, and marriage rites in general, according to his theory,
they take their rise in the religious or superstitious ideas upon
which sexual taboo rests.[148]
[148] _Mystic Rose_, 236-66, 294-317, 347 ff., 468-85, _passim_.
_Cf._ LANG, _Social Origins_, 87-111, _passim_.
Adherents of the communistic theory are not entirely at one as to
the phases in the development of marriage and the family. Very
generally the family, regarded from the standpoint of authority
and kinship, is said to pass from the unregulated horde through
the maternal and the paternal to the parental or two-sided
stage.[149] Thus Dargun declares that there is a tendency for
the uterine system of kinship to give place to the paternal, but
never the reverse.[150] Kohler takes the same position.[151]
Lippert regards the history of social culture as beginning with
the natural relation of mother and child, producing in course of
evolution, long before "marriage" arose, the "primitive family"
whose principle is mother-right, and which, in turn, under various
influences, generally yields to the "old family" (_Altfamilie_) in
its origin based, not on relationship, but on patriarchal power
and possession.[152] Bernhöft denies the invariable sequence of
mother-right and father-right;[153] and Kautsky maintains that the
two systems are parallel, not successive, developments from the
hetairism of the primitive horde.[154]
[149] According to FRIEDRICHS, "Familienstufen und
Eheformen," _ZVR._, X, 190 ff., the forms of the family are the
following: (1) "die lose Familie;" (2) "die matriarchale, uterine
Familie;" (3) "die patriarchale, agnatische Familie;" (4) "die
moderne, zweiseitige Familie."
[150] DARGUN, _Mutterrecht und Raubehe_, 12, 13. For
exceptions, however, see his _Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht_, 29
ff., 35, 41, 46.
[151] KOHLER, in _ZVR._, III, 393; IV, 266 ff.
[152] LIPPERT, _Geschichte der Familie_, 4 ff., 218 ff.;
_idem_, _Kulturgeschichte_, I, 76 ff., 90.
[153] BERNHÖFT, "Zur Geschichte des eur.
Familienrechts," _ZVR._, VIII, 401, 402.
[154] KAUTSKY, "Die Entstehung der Ehe und Familie,"
_Kosmos_, XII, 338-48, especially 347; _cf._ MUCKE,
_Horde und Familie_, 172 ff.
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