A History of Matrimonial Institutions, Vol. 3 of 3 — John Shaqi
A History of Matrimonial Institutions, Vol. 3 of 3Howard, George Elliott
History
A History of Matrimonial Institutions, Vol. 3 of 3
Howard, George Elliott
Families; Marriage -- History
trial before a jury before that will could be exercised; (3) by
"restricting both the courts and the legislature, as to their power
to grant divorces, to such cases as were grantable upon _legal
principles_."
Disregard of these intended restrictions in the statutes and in
judicial practice had led to most serious evils. The reasons
assigned in the preamble to the amendment of 1835, Justice Nisbet
urges, were not the true reasons which actuated its authors.
That amendment arose "in a conviction upon the minds of prudent
and discerning men, that divorces under the constitution of 1798
were alarmingly frequent;" and this was due to the fact that
responsibility was divided between the courts and the legislature.
"Under the old system, the courts but rarely seem to have felt, that
they had anything to do with the trial of the divorce cause, other
than to subserve the double purpose of an automaton agent in the
hands of lawyers to present their cases to the juries. Believing
that the legislature, whether for good or evil, had made the juries
the sole arbiters of the law and facts, they could of course feel
no responsibility about the matter, and the consequence was, as all
men know who know anything of our courts of justice, that divorces
were had with flagrant facility; that some were refused which ought
to have been allowed, and hundreds were granted which ought to have
been refused; and that the event of a divorce cause depended more
upon the fact whether it was defended or not, and if defended, upon
the zeal and ability of counsel, than upon anything else. Nor was
the case essentially different when it came before the legislature.
The legislature, taking it for granted that the courts had settled
all the _legal principles_ involved, in the majority of cases,
with ready acquiescence affirmed the judgment of the court and
divorced the parties. The wealth and standing of the parties, their
political and social relations, or, perhaps, the personal beauty and
address of a female libellant, controlled in many cases the action
of the legislature." Referring to the statistics of legislative
divorce, above quoted, the court continues: "How fearful was the
ratio of increase! Well might the patriot, the Christian, and the
moralist look about him for some device to stay this swelling tide
of demoralization." But "it is said that the new mode of granting
divorces has not remedied the evil; that divorces are as frequent
under the new as under the old constitution. This is, we admit,
to a great extent true, and the reason is obvious. It is owing to
the wrong construction of the constitution"--the submission to the
jury of the whole question of law as well as of fact. The Georgia
legislature was not checked, as in England, by the record of two
preceding trials;[176] "and although in France, divorces by the
Napoleonic Code[177] may be granted without cause, upon mutual
consent merely, yet the application must be made to a judicial
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