A history of social thoughtBogardus, Emory S. (Emory Stephen)
History
A history of social thought
Bogardus, Emory S. (Emory Stephen)
Social psychology; Sociology -- History
Dr. Ward, having defined what he considers the chief principles
that will govern the new social order, proceeds to measure current
movements by certain standards. He reviews the declarations of the
British Labor Party, the Russian Soviet Republic, the League of
Nations, and the labor movements in the United States. These tendencies
are all expressions of a more or less blind desire for justice. In
all countries of the world the masses are restless, stirring, and
experiencing a keen sense of injustice. Their leaders are struggling,
unscientifically as a rule, toward the light of a new day of democracy.
The trend which this struggle takes depends on the given social
environment and the attitude of the persons in authority. If undue
repression and autocracy are exercised for a long period of time, as
in Russia under the Czars, revolution is the only means of escape open
to the masses. Schooled for a long time under the lash of autocracy,
when they themselves come into control, they will use the only means of
control that they know, the lash of autocracy.
The British Labor Party is moving in the direction of guild socialism,
which includes the organization of industry into large units, in charge
of the workers and relatively free from the rule of the politicians.
The national government is to have a general oversight over the large
industrial units. As immediate steps in this direction, the Labor
Party demands the nationalization of the railroads, mines, and of the
production of electric power. Municipalities participate in the common
ownership program. The method of transformation is to be gradual,
largely based on political action.
In regard to the League of Nations Covenant, which was agreed upon in
Paris in 1919, Dr. Ward takes a negative attitude. Although he believes
firmly in an organization of good will, in international friendship
and in world solidarity upon democratic bases, he asserts stoutly
that the Paris Covenant is “a symbol of the sacred right of private
property,”[XXVI-52] that it provided for an international organization
of capitalism with all the force of powerful national governments
behind it, that it represented a series of compromises between
nationally selfish units, that it was an expression of the wishes of
the rulers of the democratic states who are essentially of “the same
moral caliber as the ruling class of imperialistic militarism, and bear
a similar sinister relationship to the future welfare of the common
folk.”[XXVI-53]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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