A History of Sumer and Akkad: An account of the early races of Babylonia from prehistoric times to the foundation of the Babylonian monarchyKing, L. W. (Leonard William)
History
A History of Sumer and Akkad: An account of the early races of Babylonia from prehistoric times to the foundation of the Babylonian monarchy
King, L. W. (Leonard William)
Akkadians; Babylonia -- History; Sumerians
[75] See Hilprecht, "Old Bab. Inscr.," II., p. 63, No. 120; and Meyer,
"Geschichte des Altertums," Bd. I., Hft. II., p. 473.
[76] I visited the site in the summer of 1904, when on my way from
Persia to Samsun, and the exact spot was pointed out to me where the
stele was found. Narâm-Sin's building, or platform, was on lower ground
below the tell, on which probably stood the citadel. The stele was
found only about five feet below the surface, and it is clear that no
considerable accumulation of debris covers the remains of the city of
Narâm-Sin's time, and that its excavation would be a comparatively
simple matter.
[77] On being discovered by the villagers no particular value was
attached to it, and, as it was too large for them to use, it was left
lying for three years on the spot where it was found. It was then
brought to Diarbekr by the owner of the village, Chialy Effendi, who
built it into the edging of a fountain in the court of his house on the
left bank of the Tigris outside the city. On his death, about fourteen
years ago, Natik Effendi sent it to the Museum at Constantinople.
[78] See Ménant, "Recherches sur la glyptique orientale," p. 76, pl.
1, No. 1. The seal is that of Izinum, the scribe, who was evidently in
Bin-Gani-sharri's service.
[79] The seal of Abi-ishar, the scribe, bore the names of both
Narâm-Sin and Bin-Gani-sharri; see Thureau-Dangin, "Rec. de tabl.," p.
70, No. 169. Erinda is mentioned on a commercial tablet of the period
as the slave of a certain Bi-Gani-sharri (_op. cit._, p. 48, No. 94,
"Rev. d'Assyr.," IV., p. 76), who may possibly be identified with
Narâm-Sin's son.
[80] "Comptes rendus," 1899, p. 348.
[81] See the opposite plate.
[82] See Heuzey, "Comptes rendus," 1895, pp. 22 ff.; "Rev. d'Assyr.,"
Vol. III., pp. 113 ff.; and Thureau-Dangin, "Revue Sémitique," 1897,
pp. 166 ff. For the sculptures, see p. 248 f., Figs. 60 and 61.
[83] Certain epigraphic peculiarities in the inscription, which are
not characteristic of the Sargonic period, may perhaps be explained as
due to the influence of Lagash: the inscription may have been engraved
by a scribe of that city, who has reproduced the local forms of the
characters with which he was familiar (cf. "Rev. Sémit.," 1897, p. 169).
[84] As the stele was set up in Lagash, the section dealing with the
distribution of that city's land would naturally be added to the
historical record.
[85] See above, p. 220.
[86] See the plate facing p. 206.
[87] See De Morgan, "Mission scientifique en Perse," Vol. IV., p. 161,
pl. ix.
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