A history of the Peninsular War, Vol. 2, Jan.-Sep. 1809 : $b From the battle of Corunna to the end of the Talavera campaignOman, Charles
History
A history of the Peninsular War, Vol. 2, Jan.-Sep. 1809 : $b From the battle of Corunna to the end of the Talavera campaign
Oman, Charles
Peninsular War, 1807-1814
It is easy to understand that the conspirators found many
sympathizers, so long as they confined themselves to setting forth
the miseries of the campaign, and to criticizing the Marshal and the
Emperor. But they erred when they took a general readiness to grumble
for a sign that the army was ripe for revolt. However discontented
the officers might be, there were very few of them who were prepared
to engage in the game of high treason. The vast majority were still
unable to dissociate the idea of the Emperor from the idea of
France. It was only a few who could rise (or sink) to the conception
of turning their arms against Bonaparte in order to free France
from autocracy. This bore too close a resemblance to treachery to
be palatable to men of honour. None save exalted Jacobins, or men
of overweening ambition and few scruples, could contemplate the
idea with patience. When we find that the plans of the conspirators
included not merely a _pronunciamiento_, but the conclusion of a
secret pact with the enemies in arms against them, we are driven to
conclude that they belonged to the last-named of these classes--that
their heads were turned with the grandiose notion of getting an army
into their power and changing the fate of Europe.
The conspirators, observing the course of affairs at Oporto, were
fully convinced that Soult would within a few days declare himself
‘King of Northern Lusitania.’ This act would produce an outburst of
wrath in the army, and they hoped to turn the inevitable mutiny to
their own profit. They intended to seize the Marshal, and then to
make an appeal to the soldiery, not in the name of Napoleon but in
that of France. They were also prepared to lay hands on any general
who might attempt to assume command of the troops in the Emperor’s
interest[334]. Donadieu and Lafitte had secured some of the officers
of their own regiments, and believed that the men would follow them.
The other corps, as they hoped, would be drawn away after them, and
the cry of liberty and the promise of an instant return to France
would lure the whole army into rebellion. So far the plot, though
rash and hazardous, might conceivably have been carried out. But
their next step was to be the issue of an appeal to Ney’s divisions
and the other French troops in northern Spain to join them, and
march upon the Pyrenees. Even though there were members of the
secret societies scattered all through the army, it seems absolutely
impossible to believe that they could have carried away with them
into open revolt the whole of their companions. The movement of
protest against Napoleon would have begun and ended with the 2nd
Corps, if even it got so far as the initial _pronunciamiento_[335].
To be effective it would have required a strong backing in France,
and the list of the leaders in that country, on whom the conspirators
said that they relied for aid, does not give us a high opinion of
the strength and organization of the plot. The persons named were
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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