A history of the Peninsular War, Vol. 5, Oct. 1811-Aug. 31, 1812 : $b Valencia, Ciudad Rodrigo, Badajoz, Salamanca, MadridOman, Charles
History
A history of the Peninsular War, Vol. 5, Oct. 1811-Aug. 31, 1812 : $b Valencia, Ciudad Rodrigo, Badajoz, Salamanca, Madrid
Oman, Charles
Peninsular War, 1807-1814
line of communications.... I am bound, therefore, to make a pressing
demand that your left wing may be kept in a position which makes the
communication between our armies sure, so that we may be able, by
uniting our disposable forces, to go out against the enemy with the
assurance of success.’
[289] The letter is printed in Marmont’s _Correspondance_, iv.
pp. 304-5.
This was precisely what Marmont had intended to do. He was convinced,
like Soult, that Wellington’s next move would be against Badajoz, and
he placed Montbrun and the divisions of Foy, Brennier, and Sarrut about
Talavera, Monbeltran, and Almaraz, precisely in order that they might
be in easy touch with Drouet. On February 22 he wrote to his colleague
explaining his purpose in so doing, and his complete acquiescence in
the plan for a joint movement against Wellington, whenever the latter
should appear on the Guadiana[290]. His pledge was quite honest and
genuine, and in reliance on it Soult made all his arrangements. These,
however, appear to have been rather loose and careless: the Marshal
seems to have felt such complete confidence in the combination that he
made insufficient preparations on his own side. No reinforcements were
sent either to Badajoz or to Drouet, whose 12,000 men were dispersed
in a very long front in Estremadura, reaching from Medellin and Don
Benito on the right to Fregenal on the left. This is why Graham, when
he moved forward briskly on March 17th, found no solid body of the
enemy in front of him, but only scattered brigades and regiments, which
made off in haste, and which only succeeded at last in concentrating
so far to the rear as Fuente Ovejuna, which is actually in Andalusia,
and behind the crest of the Sierra Morena. We may add that having been
advised by Drouet as early as March 11th[291] that British troops were
accumulating behind Elvas, Soult ought to have taken the alarm at once,
to have moved back to Seville from Santa Maria by Cadiz, where he lay
on that date, and to have issued orders for the concentration of his
reserves. He did none of these things, was still in front of Cadiz on
March 20[292], and did not prescribe any movement of troops till, on
that day, he received Drouet’s more definite and alarming news that
Wellington was in person at Elvas, and had moved out toward Badajoz on
the 16th. Clearly he lost nine days by want of sufficient promptness,
and had but himself to blame if he could only start from Seville
with a considerable field-force on March 30. All that he appears to
have done on March 11 was to write to Marmont that the long-foreseen
hypothesis of a move of Wellington on Badajoz was being verified, and
that they must prepare to unite their forces. Jourdan has, therefore,
some justification for his remark that he does not see why Soult should
have been before Cadiz, amusing himself by throwing shells into that
place[293] as late as March 20th.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Elsewhere in the archive
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account