A history of the Peninsular War, Vol. 5, Oct. 1811-Aug. 31, 1812 : $b Valencia, Ciudad Rodrigo, Badajoz, Salamanca, MadridOman, Charles
History
A history of the Peninsular War, Vol. 5, Oct. 1811-Aug. 31, 1812 : $b Valencia, Ciudad Rodrigo, Badajoz, Salamanca, Madrid
Oman, Charles
Peninsular War, 1807-1814
It was not, however, Reille and Severoli alone who were set in motion
for the ruin of Blake and Valencia. Nor was Suchet’s mind the final
controlling force of the operations which were to spread all over
eastern Spain in the months of December 1811 and January 1812. The
Emperor, when he hurried the Army of Aragon forward in September, had
explained that this was the crucial point of the war, and repeated in
November that ‘l’important, dans ce moment, est la prise de Valence.’
Portugal could wait--Wellington, with 18,000 men sick, and forced to
remain on the defensive,--was a negligible quantity during the winter:
he should be dealt with in the spring by a general combination of
all the French armies[45]. Acting on this comfortable but erroneous
hypothesis, Napoleon determined to shift eastward and southward not
only Reille and Severoli, but other troops from the armies which were
directly or indirectly opposed to Wellington, so as to alter for a
time the general balance of forces on the Portuguese side of the
Peninsula. On October 18th, before the battle of Saguntum had been
fought and won, Berthier had been directed to write to Marmont that,
for the support of the invasion of Valencia, King Joseph and the Army
of the Centre would be ordered to send troops to Cuenca, to take Blake
in the rear. In consequence the Army of Portugal must ‘facilitate the
task of the King,’ i. e. find detachments to occupy those parts of New
Castile from which Joseph would have to withdraw the normal garrison
for his expedition to Cuenca. But presently it became evident that the
Army of the Centre would have great difficulty in providing a column
strong enough to make this diversion, even if it were relieved in La
Mancha, or the province of Toledo, by units belonging to Marmont.
Napoleon then made the all-important determination to borrow troops
from the Army of Portugal for the Valencian expedition. By this time
he knew of the battle of Saguntum, and had received Suchet’s appeals
for reinforcements. His dispatch to Marmont of November 20th informs
the Marshal that he must provide a division of 6,000 men of all arms,
to join the disposable force which King Joseph can spare for the
assistance of Suchet. The still more important dispatch of the next day
varied the orders in an essential detail, by saying that the Marshal
must send not ‘a detachment of 6,000 men’ but _such a force as, united
to the column supplied by King Joseph, would provide a total of 12,000
men for the diversion_.’ And it was added that, in addition, the Army
of Portugal would have to find 3,000 or 4,000 men more, to keep up the
communications of the expeditionary force with its base in New Castile.
The detachment might be made without any fear of adverse consequences,
since Wellington had 20,000 men in hospital, and barely as many in
a state to take the field, so no risk would be run in depleting the
force opposed to him [46]. Napoleon, conveniently ignoring the exact
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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