A history of the Peninsular War, Vol. 6, September 1, 1812-August 5, 1813 : $b The siege of Burgos, the retreat from Burgos, the campaign of Vittoria, the battles of the PyreneesOman, Charles
History
A history of the Peninsular War, Vol. 6, September 1, 1812-August 5, 1813 : $b The siege of Burgos, the retreat from Burgos, the campaign of Vittoria, the battles of the Pyrenees
Oman, Charles
Peninsular War, 1807-1814
Joseph, as was perhaps natural, gave his final decision in favour of
Soult’s plan. It was true that he had a marked superiority in numbers,
and that a defeat of a crushing sort inflicted on Wellington would go
far to end the Peninsular War. No such army on the French side had ever
been in line on a single field before in Spain. Jourdan’s estimate of
80,000 men was a decided understatement, even allowing for the fact
that Soult’s divisions had already many stragglers, and that Souham
had left a ‘minimum’ garrison at Valladolid. Something much more like
the 90,000 men at which Wellington estimated the three united French
armies must have been collected[168]. On the other hand there is a
dreadful risk taken when an army endeavours to cross a group of fords,
supplemented at the best by some hastily constructed bridges, in face
of an enemy known to be wary, active, and determined. What might not
happen if Wellington fell upon the leading divisions, while the rest
were crowding down to their crossing points? Or who could guarantee
that sudden rain in the Sierra de Francia might not cause the Tormes
to rise three feet on the battle day, and separate the troops who had
crossed from those still on the eastern bank? Every one at the French
head-quarters must have remembered Essling, and the narrow escape from
supreme disaster there suffered from the caprice of the Danube.
On the whole, the prospect of the enormous advantage to be got by
inflicting a complete disaster on Wellington did not balance the
possibility of loss that might follow an unsuccessful frontal attack
upon his position. Joseph made his choice in favour of Soult’s plan for
a flank march to the upper Tormes. This manœuvre would take several
days to execute, as the Army of the South had to be moved to its left
from all its cantonments facing Alba, while the Armies of the Centre
and Portugal had to wait till this flank march was finished, in order
to come up and take over the former positions of Soult’s divisions. For
all the French chiefs were agreed that the armies must keep closed up,
and that no gap must be allowed to come into existence between them.
When the Army of the South should begin to cross the Tormes, the Army
of Portugal must be in direct support of it, and must make no separate
attack of its own to the north of Alba, in the localities which Jourdan
had found so tempting. The whole of the 12th and 13th November was
expended in making this shift of troops southward. Soult moved his
army up-stream and placed his head-quarters at Anaya, six miles south
of Alba, above the fords of Galisancho, where the crossing was to take
place. The King moved to Valdecarros, a little to Soult’s right, with
the Army of the Centre. The Army of Portugal, leaving its cavalry and
two infantry divisions[169] as a rearguard about Huerta, moved the
other six to the heights above Alba, where it was hoped that it might
cross, when Soult’s manœuvre should force Hill to abandon that place
and draw back.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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