A history of the Peninsular War, Vol. 6, September 1, 1812-August 5, 1813 : $b The siege of Burgos, the retreat from Burgos, the campaign of Vittoria, the battles of the PyreneesOman, Charles
History
A history of the Peninsular War, Vol. 6, September 1, 1812-August 5, 1813 : $b The siege of Burgos, the retreat from Burgos, the campaign of Vittoria, the battles of the Pyrenees
Oman, Charles
Peninsular War, 1807-1814
There was a subsidiary set of directions for a policy to be
carried out if the transports available at Alicante should be found
insufficient to move so many as 10,000 men. But as the shipping
proved enough to carry 14,000, these directions have only an academic
interest. In this case Murray and Elio were to threaten the line
of the Xucar frontally, while Del Parque turned it on the side of
the mountains of the interior. Duran and Villacampa were to devote
themselves to cutting the line of communications between Suchet and the
King. In this way employment would be found for all the French on the
East Coast, for Copons was to receive a reinforcement of 3,000 men, and
was to keep Decaen on the move by raids and forays.
Finally, and this clause governed the whole of the instructions, ‘the
General Officers at the head of the troops must understand that the
success of all our endeavours in the ensuing campaign depends on _none
of the corps being beaten_. They must not attack the enemy in strong
positions: I shall forgive _anything_ excepting that one of the corps
should be beaten and dispersed.’ Wellington afterwards said that
this warning was intended for Elio and Del Parque only, but it had a
deleterious effect during the ensuing operations on all the actions
of the timid and wavering Murray. To say to such an officer that it
would be a sin not to be forgiven if he let his corps get beaten under
any circumstances, was to drive him to a policy of absolute cowardice.
Wellington was an austere master, and the mental effect of such a
threat was to make Murray resolve that he would not take even small
and pardonable risks. The main idea that he had in his head in May
and June 1813 was that he ‘must not allow his corps to be beaten and
dispersed.’ Hence, like the unprofitable servant in the parable, he
was resolved to wrap it up in a napkin, and have it ready to return
to his master intact--though thereby he might condemn himself to make
no worthy use of it whatever while it was in his hands. The threat of
the Commander-in-Chief might have been addressed profitably to Robert
Craufurd; when administered to John Murray it produced terror and a
sort of mental paralysis.
It is true that Murray’s weakness of will and instability of purpose
were so great that he would probably, in any case, have made a very
poor game from the splendid cards put into his hand. But that the
Tarragona expedition ended in the discreditable fiasco which we shall
have to narrate, was undoubtedly the result in part of the impression
which Wellington’s orders produced on his wavering mind. Yet,
contemptible as his conduct of operations was, still Suchet was kept
employed in the East and gave no help to King Joseph. That much was
secured by Wellington’s knowledge of how sea-power can be used.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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