A History of the Trial of Castner Hanway and Others, for Treason, at Philadelphia in November, 1851: With an Introduction upon the History of the Slave QuestionMember of the Philadelphia bar
History
A History of the Trial of Castner Hanway and Others, for Treason, at Philadelphia in November, 1851: With an Introduction upon the History of the Slave Question
Member of the Philadelphia bar
Fugitive slaves -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- United States; Hanway, Castner, 1821-1893 -- Trials, litigation, etc.; Riots -- Pennsylvania -- Christiana; Trials (Treason) -- Pennsylvania -- Philadelphia; United States -- Fugitive slave law (1850)
The debate of the following session was still more violent. The
wide-spread popular excitement urged on the Representatives of every
section to express, in the angriest terms, the feelings of their
constituents. The Senate had repeatedly negatived the restricting
proviso, as it was called, and the House as often insisted upon
inserting it. At this juncture, Maine applied for admission as a
separate and independent State; and as no possible objection could
be urged against her, a bill for the purpose passed rapidly through
the House, and was sent to the Senate. This happy opportunity for
forcing the House into a Compromise was eagerly seized, and an attempt
made to saddle the bill with an extraordinary series of amendments
providing for the unconditional admission of Missouri. The opponents
of slavery in the Senate, though a minority, were, however, a most
determined one. But in vain they represented the absurdity of calling
this a Compromise, merely because two utterly incongruous measures
were strangely crowded into a wholesale bill; and equally in vain,
when a separation of the unnatural Union was denied them, did they,
for more than a month of anxious debating, struggle to hang their
favorite proviso to this already many-tailed monster. The bill, with
its amendments, was sent back to the House; but the Representatives
had been as busy as their neighbors, and having, by this time, nearly
completed a bill of their own on the Missouri claims, the monster
of the Senate’s creation was, with little ceremony, stripped of all
his tails, and sent back again to that august body in his original
simplicity. The crisis was now approaching with a vengeance. In vain
the bill was tossed back and forward, from House to House; the fourth
of March was rapidly approaching, and owing to her peculiar relations
to Massachusetts, the fourth of March was the last day upon which Maine
could hope for an independent existence. Rumors of secession grew
louder and louder, as the hope of an adjustment grew hourly fainter.
The people were wound up to the highest pitch of excitement; all other
objects were forgotten in the one absorbing question that agitated
every heart; and on the morning of the second of March, an earthquake
might almost have rolled away unheeded, as at the battle of Thrasymene.
All sides began to be seriously alarmed at the possible consequences
of their temerity--the majority yielded, as usual; in a few short
hours the great Missouri Compromise was passed, the storm died away,
the breakers were cleared, the Union was saved, and the newspapers
said that everybody was overjoyed at the happy adjustment. Whether the
slaves in Missouri joined in the general jubilee and offered up their
thanksgivings for the salvation of the country, does not distinctly
appear--possibly, because the slaves of Missouri were not in the habit
of expressing their opinions, or offering their worship through the
convenient medium of the public press. In substance, the Compromise
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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