The first of these was rightly regarded at the time, as by far the most important, not only because of the magnitude of the interests directly involved in its decision, but still more so, because of the principles which, though scarcely remembered at present, were undoubtedly the basis of the Compromise, in which the deliberations of the convention resulted. A moment’s reference to the slave census, referred to above, will show how great was the contrariety of interests involved, and give a tolerably correct idea of the influences by which the various States were governed in discussing the subject. For whatever pleasure it might give us to conceal the humiliating fact, candor will compel us to acknowledge, that even in those heroic times of our history, interest seldom gave way to any nobler feeling when a question like this was to be determined. The original claim set up by the South but abandoned upon the final vote--except by South Carolina, Georgia, and Delaware--was that the black population should be as largely represented in Congress, as the white. It is impossible to give anything but a very brief outline of the arguments used upon both sides. Without venturing to insist upon the obvious absurdity, that an enslaved and helpless race were really entitled to representation because of any rights _they_ themselves might have to defend or duties which they might be bound to discharge, the Southern members took the position, not regarded at that time as utterly heterodox, that a State is entitled to be represented, not merely because of its containing so many human beings, but because so many human beings are in reality only the exponent of so much wealth or so much power contributed by such State to the support of the general government. The federal value of the State is in direct proportion to the amount of this power, and what difference could it make whether it emanated as in the South from a race called slaves, supported at the direct expense of their masters, who supplied them liberally with all the necessaries of life; or as in the North, from a population occupying precisely the same relative position in the social scale, performing labor of the same description, maintained, though in a somewhat different way by the same capitalist, and called Freeman--if one were entitled to representation, why not the other? The negro population was as essentially a producing power and as original an element of wealth as any body of free laborers could be, and therefore as fully entitled to have their interests consulted in the proceedings of a Government instituted for the express purpose of providing for the security of property. But in addition to this, they were entitled to make this claim not only as producers, but also as consumers of those foreign productions, the importation of which would form one great element of wealth in the Eastern States.