A Letter to Grover Cleveland: On His False Inaugural Address, The Usurpations and Crimes of Lawmakers and Judges, and the Consequent Poverty, Ignorance, and Servitude Of The PeopleSpooner, Lysander
Philosophy
A Letter to Grover Cleveland: On His False Inaugural Address, The Usurpations and Crimes of Lawmakers and Judges, and the Consequent Poverty, Ignorance, and Servitude Of The People
Spooner, Lysander
Cleveland, Grover, 1837-1908; United States -- Politics and government
Congress has evidently just as much right to _increase_ the value of the
dollar, after a contract has been made, as it has to _reduce_ its value.
It has, therefore, just as much right to cheat debtors, by compelling
them to pay _more_ than they agreed to pay, as it has to cheat
creditors, by compelling them to accept _less_ than they agreed to
accept.
All this talk of the court is equivalent to asserting that congress has
the right to alter men's contracts at pleasure, _after they are made_,
and make them over into something, or anything, wholly different from
what the parties themselves had made them.
And this is equivalent to denying all men's right to make their own
contracts, or to acquire any contract rights, which congress may not
_afterward_, at pleasure, alter, or abolish.
It is equivalent to saying that the words of contracts are not to be
taken in the sense in which they are used, by the parties themselves, at
the time when the contracts are entered into, but only in such different
senses as congress may choose to put upon them at any future time.
If this is not asserting the right of congress to abolish altogether
men's natural right to make their own contracts, what is it?
Incredible as such audacious villainy may seem to those unsophisticated
persons, who imagine that a court of law should be a court of justice,
it is nevertheless true, that this court intended to declare the
unlimited power of congress to alter, at pleasure, the contracts of
parties, _after they have been made_, by altering the kind and amount of
money by which the contracts may be fulfilled. That they intended all
this, is proved, not only by the extracts already given from their
opinions, but also by the whole tenor of their arguments--too long to be
repeated here--and more explicitly by these quotations, _viz._:
There is no well-founded distinction to be made between the
constitutional validity of an act of congress declaring
treasury notes a legal tender for the payment of debts
contracted after its passage, and that of an act making them a
legal tender for the discharge of _all_ debts, _as well those
incurred before, as those made after, its enactment_.--_Legal
Tender Cases_, 12 _Wallace_ 530 (1870).
Every contract for the payment of money, simply, is necessarily
subject to the constitutional power of the government over the
currency, whatever that power may be, _and the obligation of
the parties is, therefore, assumed with reference to that
power_.--12 _Wallace_ 549.
Contracts for the payment of money are subject to the authority
of congress, _at least so far as relates to the means of
payment_.--12 _Wallace_ 549.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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