A rational wages system : $b some notes on the method of paying the worker a reward for efficiency in addition to wagesAtkinson, Henry
General
A rational wages system : $b some notes on the method of paying the worker a reward for efficiency in addition to wages
Atkinson, Henry
Incentives in industry -- Great Britain; Wages -- Great Britain
If he chooses the latter course, it means bitter antagonism, suspicion,
Labour troubles, instability of employment, low wages, loss of
earnings, and the whole of the intellectual forces of the country
will be against him, because the conditions after the war will demand
industrial peace if we are to maintain the commercial position we had
before the war. And in the end it will only mean a sullen acceptance of
defeat.
Would it not be better for the worker to get a clear understanding of
the system, welcome it for its advantages, and reserve all his strength
and power to adjust and preserve the bases upon which the payment of
labour depends in the various trades of the country?
It is quite true that the worker will work harder and will produce
considerably more; it is equally true that prices will be reduced in
consequence, and therefore more men will be required to make more
articles for the increased demand that is bound to follow the reduction
in price. In the long run, the system will mean employing more men
than would be employed under present methods, and they will be men of
high efficiency, and on the average of a better class, such men as
will greatly increase our national assets, and such as will maintain
our reputation in the markets of the world for the excellence and
durability of our manufactures.
In the clash of interests that will prevail for a time when the war
is over, the worker will have to decide whether to be the controller
of his own destinies or whether to become servile. Much depends on
the attitude of the skilled worker towards the capitalist. The burden
of debt left by the war _must_ be shouldered, and both interest and
repayment of loans must come from somewhere. Unless the worker is to
be ground to the dust, he must assert himself; but he will be utterly
ignored if a selfish and stubborn attitude be adopted, and he will be
driven by stress of the nation's adversity to accept what is offered
to him by the more far-seeing and powerful members of the State. This
means losing all the freedom that he fought for in the great war, and
it will put back the worker's progress for an indefinite number of
years.
Let him follow up the great sacrifices he has made during the war by
an intelligent understanding of the altered conditions, and the worker
will take an honoured place in the affairs of the State and share its
responsibilities and its benefits. If he is to take that place--and no
man has a better right to it--if he is to have a voice in the councils
of the nation that will compel attention and respect, will it come by
antagonism to progress and indifference to the general welfare, or by
organisation and efficiency?
The reply is obvious.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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