A Revision of the Treaty: Being a Sequel to The Economic Consequence of the PeaceKeynes, John Maynard
History
A Revision of the Treaty: Being a Sequel to The Economic Consequence of the Peace
Keynes, John Maynard
Treaty of Versailles (1919 June 28); World War, 1914-1918 -- Reparations
The Conference met in circumstances of great tension. M. Briand had
found it necessary to placate his Chamber by announcing that he
intended to occupy the Ruhr on May 1. The policy of violence and
illegality, which began with the Conference of Paris, had always
included hitherto just a sufficient ingredient of make–believe to
prevent its being as dangerous as it pretended to the peace and
prosperity of Europe. But a point had now been reached when something
definite, whether good or bad, seemed bound to happen; and there was
every reason for anxiety. Mr. Lloyd George and M. Briand had walked
hand–in–hand to the edge of a precipice; Mr. Lloyd George had looked
over the edge; and M. Briand had praised the beauties of the prospect
below and the exhilarating sensations of a descent. Mr. Lloyd George,
having indulged to the full his habitual morbid taste for looking over,
would certainly end in drawing back, explaining at the same time how
much he sympathized with M. Briand’s standpoint. But would M. Briand?
In this atmosphere the Conference met, and, considering all the
circumstances, including the past commitments of the principals,
the result was, on the whole, a victory for good sense, not least
because the Allies there decided to return to the pathway of legality
within the ambit of the Treaty. The new proposals, concerted at this
Conference, were, whether they were practicable or not in execution,
a lawful development of the Treaty, and in this respect sharply
distinguished from the Decisions of Paris in the January preceding.
However bad the Treaty might be, the London scheme provided a way of
escape from a policy worse even than that of the Treaty,—acts, that
is, of arbitrary lawlessness based on the mere possession of superior
force.
In one respect the Second Ultimatum of London was lawless; for it
included an illegal threat to occupy the Ruhr Valley if Germany
refused its terms. But this was for the sake of M. Briand, whose
minimum requirement was that he should at least be able to go home
in a position to use, for conversational purposes, the charms of the
precipice from which he was hurrying away. And the Ultimatum made
no demand on Germany to which she was not already committed by her
signature to the Treaty.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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