A rough sketch of modern Paris : $b or, Letters on society, manners, public curiosities, and amusements, in that capitalLemaistre, J. G. (John Gustavus)
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A rough sketch of modern Paris : $b or, Letters on society, manners, public curiosities, and amusements, in that capital
Lemaistre, J. G. (John Gustavus)
Paris (France) -- Description and travel
The lady I have mentioned was not more mistaken than I have been.
There is no country under the sun, where less freedom is allowed in
conversation. I do not mean to say, that the government checks or
interferes with what passes in private society; on the contrary, I have
more than once heard in company remarks made at the expense of persons
in power, which even in England would be thought inflammatory: but what
I complain of is, that in every circle there is a certain creed, or
string of opinions, from which, if one of the company were to venture to
dissent, he would be considered as “_de mauvaise compagnie_[13].” These
opinions are not confined to the affairs of France, but extend themselves
to those of England; and in the societies where I have been thrown, I
have been more than once suspected of jacobinism, for not joining in a
philippic against Mr. Fox, or in an eulogy on lord Grenville.
As to society, it appears to me, that there are three great divisions,
or principal classes, at Paris. The first, in point of antiquity, and
perhaps still of public opinion (for, notwithstanding all the laws to the
contrary, family prejudices are as strong as ever in France), is that of
_l’ancienne noblesse_[14], who separate themselves almost entirely from
the other classes, and live together at the houses of such of their body,
as are still rich enough to give assemblies. The second, which I shall
call the governmental set, consists of the ministers, of the counsellors
of state, of the ambassadors, of the senators, legislators, tribunes, &c.
in short, of all the constituted authorities. The third class is what
the pride of the first denominates “les parvenus ou nouveaux riches;”
consisting of the wealthiest individuals now in France; of persons,
who, taking advantage of the circumstances which have occurred, have
enriched themselves during the general wreck of private fortunes and
public credit. Army contracts, national estates, and speculations in
the funds, have afforded the means, by which many of these individuals
have accumulated overgrown fortunes; but several respectable merchants,
bankers, and other commercial men, are unjustly confounded with these,
and, under the general name of “fournisseurs[15],” held up to public
contempt.
The first class are still affluent, when spoken of as a body, though
few of them have individually large incomes. A distinguished person,
connected with the government, and to whom the most important acts of
state have been specially entrusted, assures me, that the old proprietors
still hold two thirds of the landed estates of France; though, in
consequence of the heavy taxes[16] laid on them during the Revolution, by
the loss of their woods, of their feudal rights, and of public offices
which had become almost hereditary in their families, (not to mention
the present law of descent, by which all children inherit equally),
their incomes, though in different degrees, are, in every case, greatly
diminished.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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