A Sermon, Delivered Before His Excellency Edward Everett, Governor, His Honor George Hull, Lieutenant Governor, the Honorable Council, and the Legislature of Massachusetts, on the Anniversary Election, January 2, 1839Hopkins, Mark
Religion
A Sermon, Delivered Before His Excellency Edward Everett, Governor, His Honor George Hull, Lieutenant Governor, the Honorable Council, and the Legislature of Massachusetts, on the Anniversary Election, January 2, 1839
Hopkins, Mark
Election sermons -- Massachusetts; Sermons, American
In speaking thus of the resistance of christian subjects to the
government, perhaps I should guard against being misunderstood. In no
case can it be a factious resistance. It cannot be stimulated by any
of the ordinary motives to such resistance--by discontent, or passion,
or ambition, or a love of gain. In no case can it show itself in the
disorganizing, the aggressive, and in a free government, the suicidal
spirit of mobs. Christians have in their eye a grand and a holy
object, and all they wish is to go forward, without violating the
rights of others, to its attainment. In so doing they set themselves
in opposition to nobody, but merely exercise an inalienable right, and
if others oppose them, they must still go forward and obey God, be the
consequences what they may.
* * * * *
We will now consider, as was proposed, the effect of an adherence to
the principle of the text on the part of rulers. This becomes
appropriate from the peculiar form of our government, and the relation
which the rulers hold to the people. Rulers have indeed, in all
countries, need to be exhorted to obey God, but when their will is
supreme, and their power is independent of the people, there can be no
propriety in exhorting them to obey God rather than men. In this
country, however, this principle needs to be enforced upon
legislators and rulers quite as much as upon the people, perhaps even
more. It is at this point, if I mistake not, that we are to look for
the danger peculiar to our institutions through those in authority. In
other countries the danger is from the accumulation and tyrannical use
of power. With us, limited as is the tenure of office, there is little
danger of direct oppression. The danger is that those who are in
office, and those who wish for it, will, for the sake of immediate
popularity, lend the sanction of their names to doctrines and
practices, which, if carried into effect, must destroy all government.
How is it else that mobs should often escape with so little rebuke?
How is it else that we hear such extravagant and disorganizing
doctrines maintained in regard to the rights of a majority respecting
property, and their power to set aside any guaranties of former
Legislatures? Certainly the people are the fountain of power. They
establish the government, they have a right to alter it; but when it
is established, the state becomes personified through it, and its acts
are to be consistent. When it is established, it _is_ a government, it
has authority, it becomes God's institution, and those who administer
it are to obey God rather than men. Wo to this country, when the
people shall become to those in place, the object of adulation and of
an affected idolatry. Wo to this country, when the people shall cease
to reverence the government as the institution of God because it is
established through them; when they shall suppose that it is in such a
sense theirs, that they can supersede its acts in any way except by
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account