A Sermon Delivered before His Excellency Levi Lincoln, Governor, His Honor Thomas L. Winthrop, Lieutenant Governor, the Hon. Council, the Senate, and House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, on the day of General Election, May 28, 1828 — John Shaqi
A Sermon Delivered before His Excellency Levi Lincoln, Governor, His Honor Thomas L. Winthrop, Lieutenant Governor, the Hon. Council, the Senate, and House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, on the day of General Election, May 28, 1828Walker, James
Religion
A Sermon Delivered before His Excellency Levi Lincoln, Governor, His Honor Thomas L. Winthrop, Lieutenant Governor, the Hon. Council, the Senate, and House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, on the day of General Election, May 28, 1828
Walker, James
Election sermons -- Massachusetts
Consider too, the effect, which the political observation of a bad man
will have on public opinion, and through public opinion on the public
morals. We preach about conscience, the dignity of human nature, the
power of religion and divine influences; and all this is well.
Experience teaches us, however, that all this is nothing, or next to
nothing, unless countenanced and sustained by public opinion; which
fixes the practical standard in every place, and few rise much above
it, or sink much below it. The history of legislation on such subjects
as dueling, lotteries, and the Lord's day, shows us also, that laws,
human laws, are an absolute nullity, are no better than so much blotted
parchment, unless countenanced and sustained by public opinion. God
forbid that I should speak of virtue as not having its foundation in
human nature; still I cannot but think, that this is a subject on which
we may be a little too refined, a little too enthusiastic, a little too
eloquent for practical purposes. Generally and practically speaking, I
believe that men are just as good, as they think public opinion
requires; and no better. Let it be understood, therefore, that
notorious vices will not lose a man the confidence of the people; let
it be understood, that the vicious are not only tolerated, but trusted
and honored, and the great practical restraint on the bad passions is
compromised, and all others will be eluded, or defied.
A mischievous prejudice prevails, that a man's private character has
but little to do with his public character. Undoubtedly a man may want
some of the qualities necessary to a good father, or a good son, or a
good neighbor, and yet make an excellent magistrate or judge. Even
these defects however, though they may not operate directly, must
operate indirectly to injure him in his public capacity; because, by
lessening the regard felt for him as a man, they must do something, at
least, to lessen the regard felt for him as a public officer. And this,
in a government like ours, is no trifling consideration; where official
dignity depends in so small a measure on the pomp and circumstance of
office, but almost entirely on the personal qualities of the incumbent.
Besides, the reasons why some defects in a man's private character do
not unfit him for a public station is, that though criminal in
themselves, they do not imply him to be, nor make him to be, absolutely
unprincipled. A man may have a very bad temper, for example, and be
addicted to many bad habits, without being absolutely unprincipled. Let
a man become absolutely unprincipled as a private man; and I can see no
reason for supposing, that he will not be equally so as a public man.
Libertinism in private life may be consistent, perhaps, with a
scrupulous observance of the rules of an artificial and conventional
honour; but it is the grave of sentiment, and gradually induces that
moral heartlessness and skepticism, which is fatal to the higher
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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