Essays; Great Britain -- Social conditions -- 20th century; World War, 1914-1918 -- Great Britain
Consider the life of the working man at present. The State provides him
as a boy with education up to the age of fourteen; provides him as a man
with labour exchanges, insurance, and old-age pensions. The one period,
which in the more fortunate ranks of Society is regarded as above all
preparatory for life, is the one period of which the State takes no
account. It is a fatal hole in the ballot. Why should not the workers
have the privilege for their sons that belongs by mere good fortune to
the wealthier classes—the privilege of a training that will give them
greater health, greater knowledge and technical skill, better habits,
more self-respect, and the power as well as the inclination to defend
their country if need be?
After this war the national readjustments that take place to meet the
menace from without and the menace from within must surely have relation
to fundamental necessities, and not merely be the top-dressing and
timorous expedients that accompany the piping times of a long-unshaken
peace.
In the expenditure of large sums to achieve its ends the State need not
look for its money back this year or next, so long as there is a
certainty of the money back manifold ten and twenty years hence.
The expense of a national scheme for the training and technical
education of all boys from fourteen to eighteen would have been looked
on before the war as an insuperable objection. But the truly wonderful
example of faith shown by the Russian Government in cutting off their
own colossal revenue from drink at the outbreak of the war, and the
immediate incalculable advantage to the strength of the Russian nation
that accrued thereby, has knocked penny-wisdom off its perch.
This is not the time or place, nor am I qualified to examine the cost in
detail. But, whatever that cost, can there be any doubt that the
increased physical and industrial efficiency, coupled with the national
security guaranteed by such training, would bring the outlay back
tenfold within a generation? And can there be any question that it would
conserve wealth, which adult training would but dissipate? When the war
is over there will be great numbers of men whose lives have been
hopelessly jolted, who have to find new occupations—men qualified, and
probably only too willing, to take positions of technical instruction
and military training under such a scheme. And the boys of the nation,
already infected with desire to stand for something in the national
security, would fall in with good spirit.
Apart from the question of expense, opposition would come, no doubt,
from the employers of boy labour, and from the working-class parents of
boys who are contributing to the family purse.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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