A Short History of Freethought Ancient and Modern, Volume 1 of 2: Third edition, Revised and Expanded, in two volumesRobertson, J. M. (John Mackinnon)
Religion
A Short History of Freethought Ancient and Modern, Volume 1 of 2: Third edition, Revised and Expanded, in two volumes
Robertson, J. M. (John Mackinnon)
Free thought -- History
Dr. Fowler alternately and inconsistently argues that the
"vulgar mind was ready to think of God-couples" (p. 152), and
that the conjunctions of masculine and feminine names in the
Roman Pantheon "do not represent popular ideas of the deities,
but ritualistic forms of invocation" (p. 153). The answer is that
the popular mind is the matrix of mythology, and that if a State
ritual given to minimizing mythology recognized a given habit
of myth-making it was presumably abundant outside. In short,
the whole academic process of reducing early Roman religion to
something unparalleled in anthropology is as ill-founded in the
data as it is repugnant to scientific thought.
The differentiation of Greek and Roman religion is to be explained
by the culture-history of the two peoples; and that, in turn,
was determined by their geographical situation and their special
contacts. Roman life was made systematically agricultural and
militarist by its initial circumstances, where Greek life in
civilized Asia Minor became industrial, artistic, and literary. The
special "genius" of Homer, or of various members of an order of
bards developed by early colonial-feudal Grecian conditions, would
indeed count for much by giving permanent artistic definiteness
of form to the Greek Gods, where the early Romans, leaving all
the vocal arts mainly to the conservative care of their women
and children as something beneath adult male notice, missed the
utilization of poetic genius among them till they were long past
the period of romantic simplicity (cp. Mommsen, bk. i, ch. 15;
Eng. tr. 1894, vol. i, pp. 285-300). Hence the comparative
abstractness of their unsung Gods (cp. Schwegler, Römische
Geschichte, i, 225-28, and refs.; Boissier, La religion romaine,
as cited, i, 8), and the absence of such a literary mythology as
was evolved and preserved in Greece by local patriotisms under
the stimulus of the great epopees and tragedies. The doctrine that
"the Italian is deficient in the passion of the heart," and that
therefore "Italian" literature has "never produced a true epos
or a genuine drama" (Mommsen, ch. 15, vol. i, p. 284), is one of
a thousand samples of the fallacy of explaining a phenomenon in
terms of itself. Teuffel with equal futility affirms the contrary:
"Of the various kinds of poetry, dramatic poetry seems after all
to be most in conformity with the character of the Roman people"
(as cited, p. 3; cp. p. 28 as to the epos). On the same verbalist
method, Mommsen decides as to the Etruscan religion that "the
mysticism and barbarism of their worship had their foundation
in the essential character of the Etruscan people" (ch. 12,
p. 232). Schwegler gives a more objective view of the facts, but,
like other German writers whom he cites, errs in speaking of early
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