A Study of Pueblo Pottery as Illustrative of Zuñi Culture Growth.: Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1882-83, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1886, pages 467-522 — John Shaqi
A Study of Pueblo Pottery as Illustrative of Zuñi Culture Growth.: Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1882-83, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1886, pages 467-522Cushing, Frank Hamilton
History
A Study of Pueblo Pottery as Illustrative of Zuñi Culture Growth.: Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1882-83, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1886, pages 467-522
Cushing, Frank Hamilton
Indian pottery -- North America; Zuni Indians
Now, when closing the ends (Fig. 550, _c_, _c_) of this curious vessel
in molding it, the women are as careful to turn the eyes away as in
closing the apex of the older form. As the resemblance of either of
the ends of this vessel to the mamma is not striking, they place on
either side of the nozzle a pair of little conical projections,
resembling the teats, and so called. (Fig. 550, _b_.) There are four
of these, instead of, as we might reasonably expect, two. The reason
for this seems to be that the _me´ wi k’i lik ton ne_ is the canteen
designed for use by the hunter in preference to all other vessels,
because it may be easily wrapped in a blanket and tied to the back.
Other forms would not do, as the hunter must have the free use not
only of his hands but also of his head, that he may turn quickly this
way or that in looking for or watching game. The proper nourishment of
the hunter is the game he kills; hence, the source of his life, like
that of the young of this game, is symbolized in the canteen by the
mammaries, not of human beings, but of game-animals. A feature in
these canteens dependent upon all this brings us nearer to an
understanding of the question under discussion. When ornamental bands
are painted around either end of the neck of one of them (Fig. 550,
_b_), they are interrupted at the little projections (Fig. 550, _b,_).
Indeed, I have observed specimens on which these lines, if placed
farther out, were interrupted at the top (Fig. 550, _a a_) opposite
the little projections. So, by analogy, it would seem the Pueblos came
to regard paint, like clay, a barrier to the exit of the source of
life. This idea of the source of life once associated with the canteen
would readily become connected with the water-jar, which, if not the
offspring of the canteen, at least usurped its place in the household
economy of these people. From the water-jar it would pass naturally to
drinking-vessels and eating-bowls, explaining the absence of the
interrupted lines on the oldest of these and their constant occurrence
on recent and modern examples; for the painted lines being left open
at the apexes, or near the projections on the canteens, they should
also be unjoined on other vessels with which the same ideas were
associated.
[Illustration: FIG. 550.--Double lobed or hunter canteen.]
So, also, it will be observed that in paintings of animals there is
not only a line drawn from the mouth to the plainly depicted heart,
but a little space is left down the center or either side of this
line (see Figs. 551, 552), which is called the _o ne yäthl kwa´ to
na_, or the "entrance trail" (of the source or breath of life).
[Illustration: FIG. 551.--Painting of deer.]
[Illustration: FIG. 552.--Painting of sea-serpent.]
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