A Study of Pueblo Pottery as Illustrative of Zuñi Culture Growth.: Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1882-83, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1886, pages 467-522 — John Shaqi
A Study of Pueblo Pottery as Illustrative of Zuñi Culture Growth.: Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1882-83, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1886, pages 467-522Cushing, Frank Hamilton
History
A Study of Pueblo Pottery as Illustrative of Zuñi Culture Growth.: Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1882-83, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1886, pages 467-522
Cushing, Frank Hamilton
Indian pottery -- North America; Zuni Indians
By combining several of these elementary symbols in a single device,
sometimes a mythic idea was beautifully expressed. Take, as an
example, the rain totem adopted by the late Lewis H. Morgan as a title
illumination, from Maj. J.W. Powell, who received it from the Moki.
Pueblos of Arizona as a token of his induction into the rain gens of
that people. (See Fig. 557, _a_.) An earlier and simpler form of this
occurs on a very ancient "sacred medicine jar" which I found in the
Southwest. (See Fig. 556.) By reference to an enlarged drawing of the
chief decoration of this jar (see Fig. 557), it may be seen that the
sky, _a_, the ancient place of the spaces (region of the sky gods),
_b_, the cloud lines, _c_, and the falling rain, _d_, are combined and
depicted to symbolize the storm, which was the objective of the
exhortations, rituals, and ceremonials to which the jar was an
appurtenance.
[Illustration: _a._ Modern Moki rain symbol.
_b._ Enlarged decoration of "medicine-jar."
FIG. 557.--Decoration of ancient medicine-jar compared
with rain symbol of modern Moki totem.]
Thus, upon all sacred vessels, from the drums of the esoteric medicine
societies of the priesthood and all vases pertaining to them to the
keramic appurtenances of the sacred dance or _Kâ´ kâ_, all decorations
were intentionally emblematic. Of this numerous class of vessels, I
will choose but one for illustration--the prayer-meal-bowl of the _Kâ´
kâ_. In this, both form and ornamentation are significant. (See Fig.
558.) In explaining how the form of this vessel is held to be symbolic
I will quote a passage from the "creation myth" as I rendered it in an
article on the origin of corn, belonging to a series on "Zuñi
Breadstuff," published this year in the "Millstone" of Indianapolis,
Indiana. "Is not the bowl the emblem of the earth, our mother? For
from her we draw both food and drink, as a babe draws nourishment from
the breast of its mother; and round, as is the rim of a bowl, so is
the horizon, terraced with mountains whence rise the clouds." This
alludes to a medicine bowl, not to one of the handled kind, but I will
apply it as far as it goes to the latter. The two terraces on either
side of the handle (Fig. 558, _a a_) are in representation of the
"ancient sacred place of the spaces," the handle being the line of the
sky, and sometimes painted with the rainbow figure. Now the
decorations are a trifle more complex. We may readily perceive that
they represent tadpoles (Fig. 558, _b b_), dragonflies (Fig: 558, _c
c_), with also the frog or toad (Fig. 558); all this is of easy
interpretation. As the tadpole frequents the pools of spring time he
has been adopted as the symbol of spring rains; the dragon-fly hovers
over pools in summer, hence typifies the rains of summer; and the
frog, maturing in them later, symbolizes the rains of the later
seasons; for all these pools are due to rain fall. When, sometimes,
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account