A Treatise on the Plague and Yellow Fever: With an Appendix, containing histories of the plague at Athens in the time of the Peloponnesian War; at Constantinople in the time of Justinian; at London in 1665; at Marseilles in 1720Tytler, James
History
A Treatise on the Plague and Yellow Fever: With an Appendix, containing histories of the plague at Athens in the time of the Peloponnesian War; at Constantinople in the time of Justinian; at London in 1665; at Marseilles in 1720
Tytler, James
Plague -- Early works to 1800; Yellow fever -- Early works to 1800
The disappearance of the disease, while all the causes that we suppose
capable of producing it remain in full force, is a demonstration that
it depends on something entirely distinct from the human body, and from
all those powers which perceptibly act upon it. It proves that this
unknown power has only a temporary existence, coming to perfection
at one season, and dying away in another; sometimes capable of being
revived, and sometimes not. This corresponds entirely with what has
been laid down concerning contagion itself, viz. that like other
aerial vapours it is capable of decomposition, and remaining for an
uncertain length of time in a dormant state; but that occasionally it
may revive, and appear unexpectedly, as _mofetes_ arise from lavas,
or damps in mines. After a city has been thoroughly infected with a
pestilential disorder, therefore, there can be no security against its
re-appearance; it being impossible to know whether the contagion may
not be still existing and capable of being revived by some unknown
cause, though it has been dormant ever so long. In such cases it may
with propriety be said to have arisen _spontaneously_, though, had it
not been there at a former period, there could be no reason to think
that it would have appeared at that time.
Dr. Russel next takes into consideration the plague at Marseilles in
1720, of which he says the accounts “are more full, and circumstances
better authenticated, than most of the accounts of anterior plagues
to be met with in books.” From the opposition to the doctrine of
contagion at the time, he also supposes that the facts relative to its
introduction would be severely scrutinized, and falsehoods detected:
“but (says he) if, instead of such detection, the most material
have been passed over in silence, and little more than hypothetical
reasoning opposed to others, the main facts may be considered as
established, if possible, more firmly than they were before.” These
facts are stated as follows: “1. That the plague did not exist in
France before the 25th of May, 1720. 2. That it was imported in goods
from the Levant, by a ship which left the coast of Syria the beginning
of February, and arrived at Marseilles the 25th of May. Two days after
her arrival one of the sailors died; an officer of quarantine who had
been put on board died on the 12th of June, and a cabin boy on the 23d.
Some porters employed in opening the merchandise at the lazaretto also
died about this time. Three others were taken ill in the beginning of
July, with buboes in the groin and axilla. This alarmed the surgeon of
the lazaretto; a consultation was held with two other surgeons on the
28th; the disease was unanimously declared to be the plague, and the
three patients died next day: the surgeon of the lazaretto, with part
of his family, and the priest who attended the sick, were also taken
ill and died.”
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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